Posts Tagged With: Relics

Abraham Lincoln’s Assassination Gloves

On May 21, 2025, Freeman’s | Hindman Auction House in Chicago, Illinois, offered 144 lots related to the life of Abraham Lincoln. “Lincoln’s Legacy: Historic Americana from the Life of Abraham Lincoln” was a landmark auction with many unique objects of Lincolniana. The pieces sold were part of the Lincoln Presidential Foundation collection. In 2007, the Foundation had purchased these items and many more from Lincoln collector Louise Taper, on behalf of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Illinois. The original intent was for the Foundation to donate these items to the museum after it paid off the debt on the original purchase price. Unfortunately, a nasty and protracted fight occurred between leaders of the ALPLM and the Foundation, which ultimately led to the Foundation removing the Taper collection items from the ALPLM in 2022. To read the details of that whole, sad affair, check out this post. Still needing to raise funds to pay off the remaining debt of the original $23 million purchase price, the Foundation chose to sell some parts of the collection through Freeman’s | Hindman.

The 2025 auction was a massive success for the auction house, with the total sales amounting to almost $7.9 million. The centerpiece of the auction, and the lot that went for the highest amount of money, was a pair of gloves alleged to have been carried by Abraham Lincoln to Ford’s Theatre and stained with his blood following his assassination. These gloves sold for a staggering $1,512,500.

The same buyer of the gloves also purchased its sister piece – a handkerchief also said to have been carried by Lincoln to Ford’s Theatre. The handkerchief sold for $826,000.

The same buyer also purchased a ticket stub for an orchestra seat at Ford’s Theatre on the night of the assassination for $381,500.

While other objects, such as a wanted poster for John Wilkes Booth and one of the earliest writings of Abraham Lincoln as a child, also sold for high amounts, in the aftermath of the sale, most of the press reports focused on the unique “blood-stained” gloves present at the moment Abraham Lincoln was shot.

However, beyond the high-profile headlines, these gloves are not as unique as they seem. They are one of at least four pairs of gloves that have been claimed to be the ones Lincoln carried on the night he was shot. More than that, however, a deep dive into the provenance of these million-dollar gloves leads one to seriously doubt whether they were ever at Ford’s Theatre to begin with. Let’s explore the many pairs of Abraham Lincoln’s Assassination Gloves.


Abraham Lincoln and his Gloves

Abraham Lincoln came from humble beginnings. Though he eventually rose from a railsplitter to a respected lawyer and then 16th President of the United States, there were many aspects of his achieved status to which the frontier-born Lincoln never grew accustomed. He struggled with the pomp and circumstance of his office, greatly preferring the intimate telling of a joke to presiding over grand ceremonies. Yet, as President, there were many instances where Lincoln was forced, albeit reluctantly, to submit to the trappings of his high status. One aspect of society that gave Lincoln the most trouble was wearing ceremonial gloves. The President hated wearing them. Prior to his ascent to the Presidency, Lincoln rarely wore gloves for anything other than to keep his hands warm in the cold winter months. But fashion norms in the 1850s and 1860s emphasized the wearing of thin, more decorative than practical gloves, often made of white leather. These gloves were often called kid gloves, not because they were meant for children, but because the leather often came from young goats.

When it came to the tenets of fashion, Abraham Lincoln could hardly be bothered. Ward Hill Lamon was a friend of Lincoln’s from their shared days as attorneys in Illinois. When Lincoln was elected President, he tapped Lamon to be U.S. Marshal of D.C., a role that also made Lamon Lincoln’s unofficial bodyguard. In his later memoirs, Lamon twice wrote about Abraham Lincoln’s dislike of ceremonial gloves:

“…Mr. Lincoln still suffered much annoyance from the tyranny of fashion in the matter of gloves… [T]he necessity to wear gloves he regarded as an affliction, a violation of the statute against “cruelty to animals.” Many amusing stories could be told of Mr. Lincoln and his gloves. At about the time of his third reception he had on a tight-fitting pair of white kids, which he had with difficulty got on. He saw approaching in the distance an old Illinois friend named Simpson, whom he welcomed with a genuine Sangamon County shake, which resulted in bursting his white-kid glove with an audible sound. Then raising his brawny hand up before him, looking at it with an indescribable expression, he said, — while the whole procession was checked, witnessing this scene, — ‘Well, my old friend, this is a general bustification. You and I were never intended to wear these things. If they were stronger they might do well enough to keep out the cold, but they are a failure to shake hands with between old friends like us. Stand aside, Captain, and I’ll see you shortly.’”

In another story, Lamon once again recounts Mr. Lincoln’s resistance to wearing gloves, and his genuine joy at avoiding the practice with a friend:

“Shortly after the first inauguration, an old and respected friend accompanied by his wife visited Washington, and as a matter of course paid their respects to the President and his family, having been on intimate social terms with them for many years. It was proposed that at a certain time Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln should call at the hotel where they were stopping and take them out for a ride in the Presidential carriage, — a gorgeous and grandly caparisoned coach, the like of which the visitors had seldom seen before that time. As close as the intimacy was, the two men had never seen each other with gloves on in their lives, except as a protection from the cold. Both gentlemen, realizing the propriety of their use in the changed condition of things, discussed the matter with their respective wives, who decided that gloves were the proper things. Mr. Lincoln reluctantly yielded to this decree, and placed his in his pocket, to be used or not according to circumstances. On arriving at the hotel he found his friend, who doubtless had yielded to his wife’s persuasion, gloved in the most approved style. The friend, taking in the situation, was hardly seated in the carriage when he began to take off the clinging kids; and at the same time Mr. Lincoln began to draw his on, — seeing which they both burst into a hearty laugh, when Mr. Lincoln exclaimed, ‘Oh, why should the spirit of mortals be proud?’ Then he added, ‘I suppose it is polite to wear these things, but it is positively uncomfortable for me to do so. Let us put them in our pockets; that is the best place for them, and we shall be able to act more like folks in our bare hands.’ After this the ride was as enjoyable as any one they had ever taken in early days in a lumber wagon over the prairies of Illinois.”

We can see that while Lincoln understood the stylistic necessity of kid gloves, he happily shed them at the earliest opportunity. Yet, his refusal to wear kid gloves did not stop Mary Lincoln from supplying her husband with many pairs. Mrs. Lincoln was very knowledgeable about fashion and the expectations of high society, but she clearly fought a losing battle trying to dress up her husband.

It is interesting to note that most of the accounts relating to Abraham Lincoln and his wearing of kid gloves come from the beginning of his Presidency. It appears that in the early days of his administration, he was trying his best to fit into the fashion requirements of his office. However, as the Civil War went on, Lincoln could no longer be bothered by trivialities like fashion. As noted by author Reignette Chilton in her book Lincoln’s Frock Coat, while some criticized Lincoln’s often unkempt and slovenly appearance, others understood that “his mind was intent upon more important things.”

In the end, Lincoln’s mind and the bravery of the Union soldiers resulted in the surrender of Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s army to General Ulysses S. Grant on April 9, 1865. The surrender of the Confederacy’s largest army, combined with the recent conquering of the Confederate capital of Richmond, marked the beginning of the end of the Civil War. The Lincolns were in a celebratory mood when they picked up their guests, Clara Harris and Major Henry Rathbone, for an evening at Ford’s Theatre.

The revelry in Washington turned to tragedy when, in the middle of Act 3, Scene 2 of Our American Cousin, an assassin entered the Presidential box at Ford’s Theatre and shot Abraham Lincoln in the back of the head. Abraham Lincoln died nine hours later in the bedroom of a boardinghouse across the street from the theater. In time, at least four different pairs of gloves would come to be associated with Lincoln and the terrible act at Ford’s Theatre.


Found in the Box?

In 1905, the Lincoln National Life Insurance Company was founded in Fort Wayne, Indiana. Early in its history, the founders became interested in collecting objects related to its namesake to better associate the company with the 16th President and his legacy. This led to the creation of the Lincoln Financial Foundation collection. Over the years, the collection grew, leading the company to open its own Lincoln museum in Fort Wayne to display its artifacts. In 2008, a century after the company was founded, the now-named Lincoln National Company decided to shut down its museum holdings and donated its impressive collection to the people of Indiana. The collection was split between two groups, the Allen County Public Library in Fort Wayne and the Indiana State Museum in Indianapolis. The library became the home of the collection’s books, newspapers, documents, and photographs, while the museum houses the fine art, engravings, prints, and physical artifacts.

One item from the Lincoln Financial Foundation collection housed at the Indiana State Museum is this pair of gloves.

These gloves were received by the Lincoln Foundation collection on Jan. 2, 1948. The donor of the gloves was a family of antiquarian booksellers located in New Haven, Connecticut, by the name of Whitlock. Clifford Whitlock, Sr. had apprenticed in his great-uncle’s bookshop starting in the early 1900s, which was later given to him. Though the first Whitlock’s Book Store closed during the Great Depression, Clifford continued to operate as a book dealer and eventually reopened the store in the 1950s. His sons, Reverdy and Gilbert, followed in their father’s footsteps, and all three Whitlock men were working as book sellers in 1948 when the donation was made.

A note, held with the gloves at the Indiana State Museum, gives the following information:

“These gloves are alleged to have been found in the presidential box at Ford’s Theatre the night of Lincoln’s assassination. It is also said that there are blood stains on the gloves probably from Major Rathbone who was wounded when trying to detain Booth from escaping the box. The gloves were given to Whitlock’s of New Haven, Connecticut, by Mrs. Tillinghast.”

Unfortunately, the identity of “Mrs. Tillinghast,” the prior owner of the gloves who gave them to the Whitlocks, is unknown. The chain of custody on these gloves ends with her, with no way of knowing where or how Mrs. Tillinghast acquired the gloves or how she came to believe they were found in the box at Ford’s Theatre. The only additional information about the gloves is the object’s description: “Pair of cream-colored leather gloves features three decorative lines of thread on the back of each glove. A metal clasp on the inside of the wrist secures the glove,” and that they measure 8 in x 3.75 in (20.32 cm x 9.525 cm) in size.

As intriguing as the claim is that these gloves were found in the Presidential box, the story cannot be verified due to a lack of information about the donor, Mrs. Tillinghast. Even if we suppose the story is true and the gloves were recovered from the floor of the Presidential box at Ford’s Theatre, we could not be certain they belonged to Abraham Lincoln. Many individuals, including a slew of doctors, entered the box after the shooting to care for the President. Any one of them could have lost a pair of gloves during the chaos.

Assessment: The gloves in the Lincoln Financial Foundation collection at the Indiana State Museum have an interesting story, but without more information about Mrs. Tillinghast and her connection, there is nothing to prove they are connected to Abraham Lincoln’s assassination.


The Presidential Provenance

The Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Center in Fremont, Ohio, is an impressive complex dedicated to the life and times of the 19th President of the United States. Hayes was a successful attorney who gave up his practice to join the Union Army during the Civil War, where he became an officer. Hayes ended the war as a brigadier general, having meritoriously performed at the Battle of Cedar Creek. During his service, Hayes won election to the House of Representatives in Ohio. He took his seat in December 1865, before being elected Governor of Ohio in 1867. After two terms as Governor, Hayes left office in 1872, but in 1875 he found himself once again nominated by the Republican Party for the governorship. His reelection increased national attention on the Ohio governor and Army veteran, and the Republican Party nominated Hayes for the Presidency as a compromise candidate in the election of 1876. The election was the most contentious in history, with neither major candidate earning enough electoral votes to win. In the end, a special electoral commission was created to determine the outcome of 20 disputed electoral votes from Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon. A strict party-line vote of 8 Republicans vs. 7 Democrats gave all the disputed electoral votes to Hayes. This was followed by the Bargain of 1877, in which Democrats ended a filibuster of the results and threats of political violence in exchange for the promise that Hayes’ administration would withdraw the remaining military troops and oversight entities from the former Confederate states. This effectively ended Reconstruction and was a betrayal of Black Republicans in the South who found their hard-earned rights quickly stripped away by Jim Crow laws.

As President, Hayes, a Republican, was stymied by a Democratic-controlled Congress. Hayes supported civil service reforms after the corruption and cronyism of the Grant administration, and he also served during a time of economic growth. He also vetoed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1879. But Hayes also called out the National Guard and U.S. Army against striking railroad workers in 1877. When compared to other presidencies, historians usually rank Rutherford B. Hayes in the slightly below-average tier. Hayes fulfilled his pledge not to seek reelection and left office after a single term in 1881, replaced by James Garfield. When Hayes left the White House, he, like his predecessors, took his official and personal papers with him. He retired to his home of Spiegel Grove in Fremont, where he died in 1893.

Perhaps more so than any of his predecessors, President Hayes was a collector. He carefully kept his papers and many items related to his time as President together. A student of history, Hayes also actively collected items related to American political history. Hayes’ impressive collection led his son, Col. Webb Hayes, to try to establish a presidential library where members of the public could learn about his father’s life and legacy. Col. Hayes deeded the Spiegel Grove estate to the state of Ohio and donated his family’s impressive collection to the Ohio Historical Society. In 1916, the country’s first presidential library, then known as the Hayes Memorial, was built and opened to the public.

The Hayes Memorial in 1916

The Hayes Memorial building has expanded greatly over the years and now includes detailed exhibits about the life of President Hayes and his family, as well as library, office, and event spaces. But the original structure, built in 1916, still stands at the heart of the museum. One wing of the original building is now known as the Presidents Gallery and contains artifacts related to all the presidents. The room’s centerpiece is a replica of the Resolute Desk, the ornately carved desk Queen Victoria gifted to President Hayes in 1880. The Resolute Desk has been a fixture of the White House ever since, and each President since Jimmy Carter has used it for a time as their Oval Office desk.

An exhibit on the side of this room has artifacts related to Abraham Lincoln. As the exhibit label notes, President Hayes greatly admired Lincoln and considered him one of the country’s greatest leaders. Hayes personally collected most of the Lincoln objects on display here during his lifetime. The display includes examples of broken Lincoln White House china salvaged by Hayes, an 1864 Lincoln re-election campaign medal, slippers worn by Lincoln at the White House, and even a piece of fabric from the frock coat Lincoln was wearing at Ford’s Theatre when he was assassinated:

This exhibit also includes a pair of dark kidskin leather gloves. The exhibit tag next to them states: “Gloves worn by President Lincoln the night of his assassination. Both gloves are signed ‘A. Lincoln’ on the inside wrist area.”

The gloves are 22.5 cm in length. An internal mark gives them a size of 9 2/4, but this fractional part may be incorrect. The inside of each glove near the wrist features the ink signature “A. Lincoln.”

A condition report for this artifact from 2025 noted that “the leather is dry and brittle; cracked and peeling in palm of left glove; seams torn at outside wrist and bottom of thumb of left glove, black thread stitching repair done to finger tips of both gloves; metal pieces used to latch wrist of each corroding.”

The provenance connecting the gloves to Lincoln’s assassination is, like the Indiana gloves, sadly limited. The museum knows President Hayes acquired the gloves personally, but when and from whom is unknown. The only original document that the museum has for the gloves is an envelope from the White House on which President Hayes has written the words, “Gloves of Mr. Lincoln worn the night of his assassination. With his autograph in each.”

As stated, Hayes collected many things, and other items in the collection have much better records of how he acquired them. The fragment of Lincoln’s frock coat, for example, came with an affidavit signed by White House doorkeeper Thomas Pendel describing how he obtained Lincoln’s frock coat from Tad Lincoln and was presenting a piece of the coat to President Hayes. This is a very clear chain of ownership. These gloves have no such chain. All we have are Hayes’s handwritten notes that these were Lincoln’s gloves and that he wore them the night of his assassination.

The Hayes gloves differ from the other gloves in this article, as this pair is dark brown rather than a more formal white leather. During Abraham Lincoln’s trip to Washington, D.C. on the way to his first inauguration, he visited New York City and spent the evening of February 20, 1861, at the Brooklyn Academy of Music where he watched part of an opera performance. Another opera attendee that evening later recalled that Lincoln wore “a pair of huge black kid gloves,” rather than the fancy white kid gloves worn by most others. According to the witness, these dark, practical gloves “attracted the attention of the whole house, hanging as they did over the red velvet box-front.” So there is some precedent for Lincoln wearing dark colored gloves to a theater.

The Hayes gloves are more practical than fashionable, which definitely fits Mr. Lincoln’s style. The interior signature of “A. Lincoln” supports the idea that these gloves did, at the very least, belong to Abraham Lincoln.

But did Abraham Lincoln wear the Hayes gloves on April 14, 1865? At this time, there is no way to prove or disprove this claim. All we have is President Hayes’s handwritten note attributing them to Lincoln’s assassination. Given Hayes’s passion for collecting and his admiration for Lincoln, he likely believed they were genuine, but without knowing when and where he got the gloves, we can’t prove either way.

Assessment: President Hayes’s belief and credibility are our only source for the gloves’ authenticity. The Rutherford B. Hayes Museum is trusting its namesake’s word by exhibiting these gloves as the ones Lincoln wore the night he was assassinated. President Hayes may have acquired such a unique artifact, especially since he collected other items related to Lincoln’s death. But without more information, there is no way to prove the claim.


A Family Connection

In 1956, the Illinois State Historical Library received a donation from Philip R. Baker, the great-grandson of Mary Lincoln’s sister, Elizabeth Edwards. Philip Baker donated 12 letters written by Mary Lincoln, seven letters written by Elizabeth Edwards, and 66 letters from Illinois Senator David J. Baker, who briefly held office in 1830.

Mary Lincoln wrote the letters in this collection to Edward Lewis Baker, Jr., the donor’s father. After Mary was forcibly committed to an insane asylum by her only surviving son, Robert, in 1875, she expertly managed to secure her release three months later. After leaving the asylum, she went to live with her sister Elizabeth Edwards in Springfield. There she got to know Elizabeth’s grandson Edward Lewis Baker, Jr., who was called Lewis. He was about 17 years old at the time and reminded Mary of her son Tad, who had died four years earlier at the age of 18. She took a strong liking to her great-nephew, especially now that her relationship with her only surviving son had ended acrimoniously. According to Lois Romano’s newest biography, An Inconvenient Widow, “[Mary] treated him as a surrogate son, pouring into him the love and grandmotherly advice pent up inside her. Lewis agreed to accompany her to New York for her trans-Atlantic crossing, and they left Springfield in September 1876, stopping in Lexington.” From her birthplace, the pair made their way to New York, where Mary set sail alone for France in October 1876. The earliest letter from Mary Lincoln to Lewis Baker in the donated collection is dated Havre, France, Oct. 17, 1876. All but the last letter was written on monogrammed mourning stationery.

Edward Lewis Baker, Jr. circa 1905

Edward Lewis Baker, Jr. was the only person to greet Mary in New York when she arrived back home in America after her prolonged European stay in 1880. Mary then moved back in with her sister in Springfield, and Lewis remained a regular visitor. Though not named in the newspapers like his grandparents, the “Hon. and Mrs. N. W. Edwards,” Lewis was undoubtedly one of the “other relatives” who attended Mary Lincoln’s funeral on July 19, 1882.

Yet Philip Baker’s donation consisted of more than just letters. There were also some physical objects from his father’s papers, including a pair of white kidskin gloves claimed to have been found in Abraham Lincoln’s pocket after his murder.

These gloves are 23.2 cm in length from the wrist to the longest finger, and the inside of the left glove near the wrist features the name “Ph Courvoisier” and the number “8 ¾” stamped in light blue ink.

Additional blue vertical lines are stamped on both gloves, along with numbers ranging from 11-18, likely part of the manufacturing process.

While none of the letters from Mary Lincoln to Edward Lewis Baker, Jr. reference the gloves, their provenance consists of Baker’s handwriting on the back of his business card.

This handwritten note documents three assassination-related objects:

“Last pair of gloves A. Lincoln wore. Were found in his pocket after the murder.

Piece of shell work cut from a design with which Lincoln’s casket was decorated upon its arrival in Springfield.

Copy of the programme of the obsequies in Chicago.

E. L. Baker, Jr.”

The assumption is that Mary Lincoln gifted Lewis these gloves, perhaps as a token of appreciation for the young man who became a surrogate son. This seems like a very likely series of events. But where were these gloves present at the assassination? Like the prior examples, we don’t have the evidence to prove it.

A close reading of Lewis’s provenance for the gloves is actually a bit ambiguous. All he wrote is that they were the “Last pair of gloves A. Lincoln wore. Were found in his pocket after the murder.” We first assume Lewis means Lincoln wore these gloves to Ford’s Theatre, but the wording doesn’t say that. For all we know, Lincoln did not wear any gloves to Ford’s Theatre, and these were found in an undisclosed pocket from an earlier outing that involved gloves. While Lincoln likely brought gloves to Ford’s Theatre, no period evidence confirms this assumption. As this post highlights, there is a surplus of so-called assassination gloves in physical form, but a dearth of period evidence from eyewitnesses discussing any gloves, which complicates matters.

The Baker gloves and their assumed connection to Mary Lincoln also raise another issue. Mary Lincoln did not like physical reminders of her husband’s murder. As documented in Reignette Chilton’s books, she gave away the greatcoat and suit Abraham was wearing when he was shot just days following the assassination. In the weeks after the crime, Mary gave away many articles of clothing and objects relating to her husband. For example, here is a pair of Abraham’s riding gloves that Mary gave away on May 22, 1865, the same day she left the White House.

She presented these gloves, through her son Robert, to Gen. Christopher C. Augur, who commanded the defenses around Washington. Augur had been present at the Petersen House during the deathwatch and took part in the manhunt for Booth. Robert wrote to Augur, gifting him the riding gloves and expressing his mother’s thanks for his “kindness during the past few weeks.”

It is difficult to believe that Mary Lincoln would have retained the gloves her husband had with him when he was assassinated for any period of time, especially a decade later when she became close to Lewis Baker. In addition, at the time of Abraham’s death, Mary was estranged from her sister Elizabeth Edwards, making it unlikely that she gave “assassination gloves” to her at the time, which later could have passed to her grandson, Lewis. Yet the gloves’ inclusion in Lincoln family papers now held by the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Illinois, elevates them above the rest.

Assessment: The Baker gloves have better provenance than the previous examples as they are linked to a member of the Lincoln family with whom Mary Lincoln had a close relationship. However, the provenance doesn’t directly state that the gloves came from Mary Lincoln, and the likelihood that Mary would have kept any assassination gloves long enough to gift them to Baker is low. Still, the family connection makes it likely the Baker gloves once belonged to Abraham Lincoln, even if they weren’t with him at Ford’s Theatre.


A Millionaire’s Mistake?

Benjamin Richardson was rich. Of that there was no question. But he didn’t start that way. He was born in England in 1812 and emigrated to the United States as a ship’s cabin boy at 18. Richardson started in America as a servant for New York Representative (and later Governor, Senator, and Secretary of State) Hamilton Fish. Over time, the young man saved enough money to buy real estate in New York. In 1849, he headed west to California, along with others hoping to make it big in the gold rush. While prospecting for gold failed to bring a fortune, a well-placed land purchase in San Francisco was Richardson’s own gold mine when he later sold the land to a railroad company for a mint. Soon, Richardson became very wealthy. He diversified his land holdings to include quarries in Utah and Missouri. Soon, Richardson’s land assets provided for all he could want and more. Around 1861, Richardson left the United States and conducted a world tour that would last almost seven years. During this time, he visited Europe, Asia, and Africa, and was fond of collecting unique objects during his travels. Upon his return to America in early 1868, the eccentric millionaire announced his intention to open a free museum in California filled with his relics.

Benjamin Richardson in 1886

How Benjamin Richardson became acquainted with Mary Lincoln is uncertain. However, in 1868, he was exactly the type of person she was looking for. Ever since her husband’s death, Mary Lincoln had struggled financially. Some of her struggles were self-inflicted, as she used excessive shopping as a means to counter her grief. But there were also individuals in Mrs. Lincoln’s life who actively thwarted some of her attempts to acquire additional funds. Abraham Lincoln’s estate was not settled until  November of 1867, and even after she gained access to her portion, Mary still worried about her financial future. During the interim years, Mrs. Lincoln would appeal to others to help secure donors and patrons who would support her and her needs. And Mary Lincoln was not above selling things to make sure she and her son Tad were taken care of. Enter the eccentric millionaire, Benjamin Richardson.

Two letters are known to have existed from Mrs. Lincoln to Richardson. Each is in response to letters from Richardson. The first is dated June 16, 1868, from Chicago, Illinois, while the second was sent by Mrs. Lincoln during her extended trip to Europe in 1870. Mrs. Lincoln sent her and Tad Lincoln’s best wishes to Richardson in both letters. In her 1868 letter to Richardson, she clearly tries to woo the real estate-savvy Richardson into buying some property she owned. As part of this gambit, Mrs. Lincoln documents the sending of certain items to Richardson, writing, in part:

“Capt. Benjamin Richardson:

My Dear Sir – Prof. and Mrs. Sawyer have just paid me a call, and handed me your letter, which I was very gratified to receive. I hasten to reply to it, fearing you may think I have been negligent regarding my promises. And yet I am sure you will be tantalized to know that some of the specialties promised have been in my room and only awaiting this being sent to Mr. Sawyer. Tomorrow my little Taddie will carry them down to the University [of Chicago] and it may be the rest I will bring on to you myself. After this explanation of the delay you will feel relieved…”

While Mrs. Lincoln never specifies in her letter what “specialties” she and Tad will present to Richardson, newspaper accounts from Richardson’s lifetime and beyond note that he was given a pair of gloves, a handkerchief, a cane, and possibly a hat, all of which belonged to Abraham Lincoln.

Richardson continued collecting unique objects for his planned museum. One impressive purchase he made in 1876 was a carriage owned by President George Washington. Richardson rode behind this famous carriage during a parade to mark the unveiling of the Statue of Liberty in 1886. However, despite his wealth and impressive collection, Richardson’s planned museum never came to fruition. He died an eccentric millionaire in 1889, and it took many years to settle his estate.

While the Washington carriage was sold and eventually made its way to Mount Vernon, Richardson’s heirs retained some of the Lincoln relics. In 1925, the Brooklyn Eagle published an article featuring the Lincoln artifacts, then owned by Richardson’s granddaughter, Ella Gouverneur. The article explained that the gloves and handkerchief were framed together and hung in Ella’s dining room. The newspaper included a collage of these items, an image of Richardson, the envelopes from Mrs. Lincoln, and a framed portrait of Lincoln also claimed to have come from the former First Lady.

These relics later passed to Ella’s daughter (Richardson’s great-granddaughter), who allowed the gloves, handkerchief, and one of the Mary Lincoln envelopes to be photographed and published in Dorothy and Philip Kunhardt’s coffee-table-sized book on the assassination, Twenty Days, in 1965.

Around the 1990s, the gloves, handkerchief, and cane came into the possession of Lincoln collector Louise Taper, who sold them to the Lincoln Presidential Foundation.

These are the fourth and most famous pair of gloves: the “blood-stained’ gloves sold by Freeman’s | Hindman auction house in 2025.

They are 22.8 cm in length with the number “9 ¼” stamped inside. The clasp of each is stamped with a small “T.” There is also dark colored staining near the wrist area and thumb of each glove. The auction listing for these gloves from 2025 gives the following brief description of their condition: “Some flaking and cracks; elastic bands detached, but present; archival repairs to lining of each glove; contemporary repaired split at base of palm on right glove; each glove soiled and unevenly darkened.”

As shown, the chain of custody for the gloves is quite strong. While Mary Lincoln does not provide an exact accounting of the “specialties” she provided Richardson, other period evidence strongly supports the idea that these gloves and handkerchief were among them. It is safe to say that these gloves and handkerchief came from Mrs. Lincoln.

But let’s get to the $1.5 million question – what is the evidence that these are “assassination gloves?” As we follow the line of provenance back, it is clear that the recent auction house, the Lincoln Presidential Foundation, Louise Taper, and the Richardson heirs believed that these gloves were carried by Lincoln on the night he was assassinated. Ella Gouverneur stated this without reservation when the Brooklyn Eagle interviewed her in 1925. So, for at least 100 years, the owners have had no doubt that these gloves witnessed that tragic night.

But if we look back further, the idea that these gloves were associated with the assassination becomes less certain. Unfortunately, the main sources we have regarding the gloves during this early period are newspaper articles that mention them in connection to Benjamin Richardson. In a few of the obituaries that came out upon his death in 1889, there was a line noting that he was “a fast friend of Mrs. Abraham Lincoln and received from her the cane, hat, and gloves worn by her husband when he was shot.” However, another obit that made the rounds merely stated that he “owned a pair of gloves and a cane used by Abraham Lincoln,” with no mention of the gloves’ claimed connection to Ford’s Theatre. As we continue going back in time, we see this happen more and more. While a Boston Globe article from 1886 described Richardson as the “possessor of the cane and gloves carried by Abraham Lincoln when he was shot by John Wilkes Booth,” an earlier Chicago article from 1883 only mentioned that Richardson “hoards Lincoln’s gloves and cane,” with no further detail. We can’t expect different newspapers to mention every aspect of the gloves in their articles, especially since they are not usually the focus of the piece, but it is interesting how often the gloves are not attributed to the assassination as we travel back through the records.

An 1883 article from the St. Louis Dispatch described a visit to Richardson’s home in Harlem, which he called the “Lincoln Cottage.” He showed the reporter his many treasures, including the George Washington carriage and a slouch hat worn by President Garfield. When it came to the gloves, the article merely stated that, “In another case was the cane which President Lincoln carried, while in still another case were a pair of gloves and a handkerchief which had been owned by President Lincoln.” Again, the article makes no connection between these artifacts and the world-changing event they were later said to have witnessed. As an article about Richardson’s unique collection, one would have expected more details.

The next earliest mention of Richardson and his gloves comes from 1880, in a biographical sketch of Richardson that appeared in a Missouri paper near where he owned a lucrative quarry property. There, Richardson is described as “the possessor of Lincoln’s gloves and cane,” with no additional significance given to them.

That brings us to the earliest record I’ve come across that mentions Richardson and his Lincoln gloves. It appeared as an article in the Trenton State Gazette in New Jersey, published on February 15, 1869. The article documented the second annual banquet of the Lincoln Association of Jersey City. Annual events honoring Abraham Lincoln were very common in the years following the 16th President’s death, and you can still find Lincoln dinners and banquets around the anniversary of Lincoln’s birth today. The Gazette article described the recent festivities that had occurred:

“About 150 persons sat down to dinner, many prominent men of Hudson county being present. The hall was richly decorated and oil paintings of Washington, Lincoln, Generals Scott and Grant were hung in the spaces between the windows. On the centre of the dais was the well known Rogers group, Lincoln, Stanton and Grant, holding a council of war…”

John Rogers’ sculpture, “The Council of War”

“…After partaking of an excellent supper the company turned their attention to the intellectual portion of the programme. The chair was occupied by Mr. David W. Weiss, President of the Lincoln Association. Letters of apology were read from the President and Vice President elect, Generals Sherman, Sickles, Logan and Sigel; Senators Wilson and Frelinghuysen; Congressmen Halsey and Hill; ex-Governors Ward, Chief Justice Chase, Judge Bedle, Hannibal Hamlin, William Cullen Bryant, and others. The following toasts were proposed: – ‘The Memory of Abraham Lincoln,’ responded to by B. W. Throckmorton; ‘The President of the United States;’ ‘The Congress,’ by E. B. Wakeman; ‘The Judiciary,’ by Isaac W. Van Winkle; ‘The State of New Jersey,’ ‘The Army and Navy,’ by Captain B. F. Frazer, Jr.; ‘The Proclamation of Emancipation’ by Rev. J. L. Danner; ‘The Press,’ by General Edward Jardine, and ‘Woman’ by Benjamin Van Riper. A pleasing feature of the entertainment was the singing by Mr. Charles Henry, whose rendering of ‘Kathleen Mavourneen’ was exquisite and brought down the house.

The delegation from Hoboken consisted of General Hatfield, Captains Hart, Lee and Frazes; Major Mount and Mr. Pritchard. The affair was passed off most successfully.”

As you can see, this article is very detailed. The reporter described the Lincoln banquet scene, the decorations, and the many people who took part in the proceedings. The article also contains one additional section that I have withheld until now:

“The cane, white kid gloves and pocket handkerchief used by President Lincoln at his inauguration, and which were presented by Mrs. Lincoln to Captain Benjamin Richardson, were shown to the assemblage and created such enthusiasm that the guests all rose to their feet and waved their handkerchiefs again and again.”

You read that right. This article notes that the gloves, cane, and handkerchief given to Benjamin Richardson by Mary Lincoln came from Abraham Lincoln’s inauguration, not assassination. We have already established that the reporter who composed this article was very detail-oriented. It seems unlikely that they would mistake Lincoln assassination relics for Lincoln inauguration relics. Even if we were to suppose the reporter was in error and substituted inauguration for assassination, does it make logical sense that the crowd would have risen to their feet and waved their own handkerchiefs in response to relics of the President’s death? It’s clear that the crowd was pleased by the items Richardson displayed and acted out of celebration.

For historical research and provenance, the earliest accounts are usually best. Stories and memories change over time. Sometimes this is a case of people lying or altering their stories to make them more appealing. But alterations in stories are not always the product of deliberate deception. The human brain is not a perfect recall device. Memory is incredibly subjective and changes over time. Even setting aside the assumed memory loss that comes with aging, our minds constantly alter our memories. Studies have shown that, among many things, imagining an event having taken place can create a false memory of it actually occurring; the manner in which you are asked about an event can change the way you remember it; and the more often you recall an event, the more the memory of that event changes. This is how someone like Mrs. Matilda Todd, an eyewitness to Lincoln’s assassination in 1865, can be completely honest in telling newspapers in the 1930s that she remembered Booth’s broken leg spurting blood upon the stage and that a giant lasso whisked him off into the wings. After years of recalling the event she witnessed, her genuine memories became a fictional account.

Mary Lincoln wrote to Benjamin Richardson about preparing his items on June 16, 1868. This Lincoln banquet occurred on February 12, 1869. Therefore, this article was written just a few months after Richardson acquired his Lincoln relics. Nothing in Mary Lincoln’s known letters to Richardson describes the objects, and the earliest published account claims no connection to his assassination, but rather to his inauguration. The first account claiming these gloves were present at Lincoln’s assassination dates to 1886, nearly two decades after Richardson received the items and after Mrs. Lincoln had died. The evidence demonstrates that the story around these gloves changed over time to become associated with Lincoln’s death.

Even the note displayed with the gloves and handkerchief at Richardson’s and then Ella Gouverneur’s home lacks any mention of the gloves being connected to Lincoln’s death. If we zoom in on the photograph in the Brooklyn Eagle article in 1925, we can read the handwritten note that accompanied these relics. It says:

“Gloves & Pocket Handkerchief used by the late Lamented and ever mourned for President Lincoln and Presented to Benjamin Richardson by his bereaved widow – to be placed in his Museum in San Francisco California ~”

As a display piece, one would expect this note to state directly that these items were with Lincoln at Ford’s Theatre, but it gives no such detail. All the note says is that Lincoln once “used” these items, with no timeframe or specific place given, which fits some of the descriptions in the 1880s where the gloves are merely recounted as being owned by Lincoln, and nothing more.

“But, hang on,” you might be thinking. “If these aren’t Lincoln assassination gloves, how do you explain the blood stains?” That is the second piece of evidence used in support of these gloves. While many of the press accounts around the sale of the gloves commented on the dark blood stains featured on the gloves, only once in the auction listing does it suggest the staining on the gloves is blood. Here is that sentence:

“According to an article published in the Brooklyn Eagle on 22 March 1925, and featuring a photograph of the gloves and a handkerchief, both possibly stained with the president’s blood, were gifted to Richardson at the University of Chicago, and delivered by Lincoln’s son, Tad.”

The auction house writes this to suggest that the Brooklyn Eagle article described the staining on the gloves and attributed it to Lincoln’s blood, but the 1925 article mentions no staining at all. In fact, there is no mention of blood in any reference to the gloves until the modern era. Even the articles from Richardson’s and Ella Gouverneur’s lifetimes that attribute the gloves to the assassination do not say anything about the gloves being bloodstained. When the photograph of the gloves and handkerchief was published in Twenty Days in 1965, the caption says nothing about bloodstains, even while a photograph on the next page highlights fragments of bloodstained towels from the Petersen House. When an appraiser looked through the Louise Taper collection in advance of its sale to the Lincoln Presidential Foundation, he documented the gloves and handkerchief but did not include any mention of blood stains:

It appears that only during the transfer of the gloves from Taper to the Foundation around 2007 did the staining on the gloves become associated with blood.

To be honest, the claim that these gloves are stained with Lincoln’s blood is what led me to first question and investigate them. Abraham Lincoln suffered a small-caliber gunshot wound to the head, with the bullet remaining inside his brain. After shooting the President, Booth dropped his gun and pulled out a large Rio Grande Camp knife, which he used to attack Major Rathbone. Booth was holding this knife when he made his jump to the stage. Because of this, Dr. Charles Leale, the first doctor to reach the box, was under the impression the President had been stabbed. Dr. Leale removed Lincoln from the rocking chair he was slumped in and laid him on the floor of the box. As he wrote in a letter to a friend in May of 1865, “While doing this I put my hand on a part of his coat near the left shoulder saturated with blood.” Leale then borrowed a penknife from an audience member who had made his way into the box, William Kent, and with it, Dr. Leale cut open the President’s great coat, frock coat, and shirt, looking for a stab wound. “As soon as his shoulder was laid bare and no wound discovered I examined his head,” Dr. Leale recounted. In feeling the back of the President’s head, Leale located the bullet wound and, using his pinky finger, removed a bloodclot that had formed. This briefly relieved some pressure on Lincoln’s swelling brain and extended his life. After Lincoln was taken across the street to the Petersen House, the doctors would regularly probe the wound, leading to many towels and pillowcases becoming bloodstained.

How could a pair of gloves likely in couched in Lincoln’s pocket become stained with his blood as a result of his shooting? A few months after the sale of these gloves, an individual connected to the auction house contacted me seeking information about another item from the former Taper collection that has since been sold. In my email conversations with this individual, I expressed skepticism that these gloves were present at Lincoln’s assassination. I asked my contact whether the auction house had done any testing to verify that the staining on the gloves was actually blood. My contact replied that the auction house had not, but that they personally believed the staining was blood. This individual even sent me an in-house document explaining how the gloves could have become soiled with Lincoln’s blood. The document theorized that, upon arriving in the box, Lincoln removed his gloves and placed them both in his left coat pocket, slightly sticking out for easy retrieval. Then, after the shooting, but before Leale’s examination, “approximately 5-7 drops of blood impacted around the open ends, affecting the left glove more than the right and suggesting that the left glove had been placed over the right by Lincoln when he placed them inside of his left coat pocket.” While I credit the document for putting forth an explanation of how the staining on the gloves could have occurred if the stains were blood and if the gloves were at Ford’s Theatre, in my mind it’s a bit like putting the cart before the horse. The staining has not been proven to be blood, and the gloves have definitely not been proven to have been at Ford’s Theatre.

The lack of any mention in the historical record of these gloves being bloodstained is important. When these gloves were accepted as having been at Ford’s Theatre, such a revelation would have been widely reported. There is a fragment of a Ford’s Theatre playbill with a drop of blood on it located in the Kansas History Museum. This relic was so popular that its owner, Dr. Thomas Bancroft, photographed the blood-stained playbill fragment and sold cabinet card reproductions. Victorians were obsessed with relics, especially blood relics. The fact that these gloves appear to have circulated for over 100 years in the public consciousness without any mention of Lincoln’s blood on them is telling. Clearly, no one before the modern era believed these gloves were stained with blood.

But, for the sake of argument, let’s suppose that somehow this important detail about the gloves being stained with Lincoln’s blood was overlooked until around 2007. In this scenario then, it means that Mrs. Lincoln held on to a grisly reminder of her husband’s murder for three years before casually selling them to Benjamin Richardson. How likely is this? Mary Lincoln was traumatized by her husband’s death. Clara Harris recalled how, during the deathwatch for the President at the Petersen House, “Poor Mrs. Lincoln all through that dreadful night would look at me with horror & scream, ‘Oh! My husband’s blood, my dear husband’s blood,’” even though Clara’s dress was actually stained with the blood of her fiancé, Major Rathbone. Before leaving the White House for the last time, Mrs. Lincoln disposed of the remaining bloody remnants from that terrible night. Footman Charles Forbes recalled how he was given the complete suit of clothes Lincoln was wearing when he was shot by Mrs. Lincoln, including the shirt and frock coat that had been sliced open by Dr. Leale. He wrote in an affidavit that after receiving the clothes, “I asked her, ‘What shall I do with them?’ She said, ‘Do anything you like with them, don’t let me see them again.’” In her deep mourning and trauma, it is inconceivable that Mrs. Lincoln would have retained any article that contained her husband’s blood.

If not blood, to what, then, can we attribute the staining? I have a theory. The staining that exists appears on the back of the gloves, near the wrists. The Brooklyn Eagle article from 1925 noted that the gloves were framed and hung on a wall in Ella Gouverneur’s home, “like the museum exhibit it was intended to be.” The 1965 photograph Ella’s daughter provided to the Kundhardts shows the gloves still in the same frame and position, making it unlikely they were removed in the interim. I suggest the staining on the back of the gloves has less to do with blood stains and more to do with how the gloves were affixed to the back of this display for at least 40 years (and likely longer). A number of substances could have caused discoloration over time, not to mention the unknown manner in which the gloves were stored when they left the Richardson heirs. The noticeable cracking of the leather shows these gloves were not kept in slightly humid conditions modern conservationists would recommend. What appears as stains of blood could just as easily be residue and deterioration from decades of improper storage and display. Since the auction house did not complete any sort of testing to verify the presence of blood on the gloves, the claim that the gloves have blood stains can not be confirmed, and the historical record does not support this conclusion.

When I shared the 1869 article featuring Richardson and the gloves’ attendance at the Lincoln banquet with my auction house contact, they replied with the following: “Personally I’m more skeptical about Mary Lincoln identifying the gloves to Richardson as those worn by Lincoln during the second inaugural, just because what would have differentiated them from any other pair he owned for her to make that kind of a claim?” I politely pointed out to them that they had once again drawn a conclusion that wasn’t in evidence. The 1869 article stated that Lincoln wore these gloves to his inauguration, but did not specify which one. But more than anything, my contact had perfectly proven my overall point. Since we have no written evidence from Mrs. Lincoln about the history of the objects she presented to Benjamin Richardson, we can’t be certain that these gloves were associated with any “big event’ in Lincoln’s life. Most likely, these gloves were just one of many random pairs of fancy gloves Abraham Lincoln owned and eschewed having to wear.

Knowing Mrs. Lincoln’s shopping and hoarding habits, there was no doubt an excess of gloves owned by the president when he died. We know from efforts to settle his estate that Mrs. Lincoln owed a considerable sum of money to “Mr. Perry, a merchant of Washington for 300 pairs of kid gloves purchased by her between the first of January and the death of Mr. Lincoln.” Surely some of those 300 pairs of kidskin gloves were meant for her husband. In the years after his death, Mrs. Lincoln often presented small tokens from her collection to friends and admirers. Just a week after she wrote to Richardson in 1868 that his items, which included a cane, were ready, she presented another Lincoln cane to a family friend in Springfield, Jesse K. Dubois.

Mrs. Lincoln’s interaction with Richardson came on the heels of the “Old Clothes Scandal,” where she attempted to sell her non-mourning wardrobe in New York in an effort to raise funds. A likely scenario is that Richardson, a New Yorker, contacted Mrs. Lincoln after hearing about her efforts and asked whether she had anything related to her husband that might find a place in his future museum. After some haggling, Mrs. Lincoln agreed to sell some items to the wealthy Richardson and was merely awaiting payment, which she received when Prof. Sawyer provided her with the letter from Richardson she references in her 1868 letter. What, if anything, Mrs. Lincoln told Richardson as to the significance of the items beyond that they had belonged to her husband is unknown.

The inside of the “blood stained’ gloves

Eight months later, Richardson displayed the gloves and handkerchief as having been at Lincoln’s inauguration, much to the acclaim of the Lincoln banquet in New Jersey. Other articles in the years that followed made no real conclusion about the gloves until, starting in 1886, when they were first connected to Lincoln’s death.

In conclusion, this particular artifact shows the importance of digging into the provenance of a piece in order to assess the different claims made about it. The earliest and most reliable evidence does not associate these gloves with Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, and the so-called blood stains used as evidence to support the theory have not been verified to be blood. All we know for certain is that three years after her husband’s death, Mary Lincoln presented these gloves, a handkerchief, and a cane to Benjamin Richardson, a wealthy real estate tycoon. Over the decades, the story of these artifacts changed, first being claimed as coming from Lincoln’s inauguration and later from the assassination. We have no documentation from Mary Lincoln in either direction. In addition, we know that Mrs. Lincoln gave away many items that formerly belonged to her husband and that she had a surplus of gloves following his death.

Assessment: While these gloves can safely be credited to Mary Lincoln, the evidence supports nothing more definitive about them. In my opinion, these gloves are likely one of many pairs Mr. Lincoln owned and unlikely to be associated with any important event in his life. A pair of gloves owned by Abraham Lincoln still has value, but the $1.5 million price tag these gloves sold for in 2025 was based on family lore and a much-hyped story that doesn’t hold up to scrutiny.


Many Gloves, No Perfect Fit

Noah Brooks was a California journalist who became a friend of Abraham Lincoln and the First Family. In an 1878 article for Scribner’s Monthly, Brooks discussed Lincoln’s fashion and gloves. Brooks wrote:

“[Mr. Lincoln] was always neatly, but not finically dressed. He disliked gloves, and once I saw him extract seven or eight pairs of gloves from an overcoat pocket, where they had accumulated after having been furnished him by Mrs. Lincoln.”

Much like Brooks’ interaction with the President, we have also borne witness to multiple pairs of gloves, each claiming a connection to Abraham Lincoln. While each pair of gloves discussed in this article has an intriguing story connecting it to the tragic night of April 14, 1865, a deep dive into the provenance has failed to prove the authenticity of any of them. This is very common for artifacts in museums and in private collections. It is incredibly rare to have perfect provenance and chain of custody for anything. For the vast majority of artifacts, authenticity is an act of belief and faith, rather than fact.

Misrepresentations and mistakes happen over time, even from individuals with the best of intentions. For example, from May to September of 2026, the gloves, handkerchief, and Ford’s Theatre ticket stub purchased at the Freeman’s | Hindman auction were loaned to the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library as part of an America 250 exhibit. On both the Reagan Library website and in videos highlighting the exhibit, the ticket stub was incorrectly claimed to have been in Abraham Lincoln’s pocket when he was killed. Since Lincoln was in the Presidential box, not seated in section C, seat 127 of the Orchestra level as documented on the stub, it makes no sense that he would have this random ticket in his pocket. This innocent mistake perfectly demonstrates how easily false claims can be created and spread. In our modern world, the spread of misinformation, both historical and otherwise, is exacerbated by Large Language Models and AI bots that regurgitate a user’s desired answer rather than an accurate one. Now more than ever, it is crucial to investigate claims and not take them at face value.

With the information we currently possess, none of the gloves highlighted in this piece can be definitively proven to have been with Abraham Lincoln when he was assassinated by John Wilkes Booth at Ford’s Theatre. In fact, we can’t even be sure Lincoln had gloves with him that night, especially given his established distaste for them. But as with many other historical artifacts with incomplete provenance, the slight possibility remains that one of these gloves actually did witness the night of April 14, 1865.

In the end, all of these gloves have interesting stories and unique histories, regardless of their genuineness. Through these gloves, we learn more about Abraham Lincoln, his family, his humanity, and his tragic death. What more value can you ask for out of historical artifacts than that?


Several individuals and institutions were crucial in researching this piece. My special thanks go to:

Anna Dvorachek, Registrar, Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum, Springfield, Illinois
Kevin Moore, Former Curator of Artifacts, Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Library & Museums, Fremont, Ohio
Kevin Whaley, Registrar, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Indianapolis, Indiana
The Lincoln Financial Foundation Collection
Reignette Chilton, author of Lincoln’s Great Coat and Lincoln’s Frock Coat
Freeman’s | Hindman Auctions

Categories: History | Tags: , , , , , , | 15 Comments

Under the Veil: Revealing the True Identity of John Wilkes Booth’s Photograph

The Assassin’s Collection of Photographs

In the early morning hours of April 26, 1865, Sgt. Boston Corbett ended the manhunt for Abraham Lincoln’s assassin by firing the shot that fatally wounded John Wilkes Booth. After collapsing to the ground, the assassin was dragged from the tobacco barn where he had taken refuge and laid out upon the Garrett farmhouse porch near Port Royal, Virginia. For the next couple of hours, Booth lingered in and out of consciousness as he bled from the bullet wound to the back of his neck. The gathered soldiers and detectives wasted no time in identifying Booth and going through his pockets.

The most significant find was a diary in which the assassin had written down his manifesto while on the run. Pages of this previously used 1864 datebook had been ripped out by the assassin in order to provide a clean slate for his ruminations on the assassination. The diary featured a leather case, black on the outside and Moroccan red on the inside. This case contained a pocket. Inside this pocket, the authorities found some cash in greenbacks, bills of exchange on a Canadian bank, and a small collection of photographs in the form of carte de visites.

These items, along with other small objects found on Booth’s person, were tied up together in a handkerchief. Detective Everton Conger, eager to tell the War Department that his group had tracked down Lincoln’s assassin, departed the Garrett farm before Booth had died with these items in tow. When Conger arrived in Washington, D.C., he reported to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton in his office. He handed over the parcel of Booth’s items in the presence of Stanton and General Lafayette Baker. Here was the physical evidence that Lincoln’s assassin had been found.

During the trial of the Lincoln conspirators in May and June of 1865, the items removed from Booth were present on the evidence table of the courtroom. While some of the items, such as the Canadian bills of exchange, were admitted into evidence at trial, very little attention was paid to the diary. Its written contents did not provide any new information about the plot other than Booth’s reasons for striking out against Lincoln and his complaints about being called a coward in the press. The diary was obliquely referred to during some of the testimony, but it was never entered into evidence as an exhibit. The five CDV images in the pocket were never referenced and likely not even known to anyone other than Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt. After the conspiracy trial ended, the diary and its contents were returned to the War Department for storage.

In 1867, the diary became public knowledge due to its reference in a congressional investigation into President Andrew Johnson and the trial of escaped conspirator John Surratt. President Johnson asked Stanton for an accounting of the diary, and the Secretary of War stated in a letter to the President that it contained “some photographs of females,” with no more elaboration. It was during the two aforementioned proceedings that Everton Conger also testified that images had been found on Booth:

“Q. Were these photographs in the book?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How many were there?
A. I am unable to say.
Q. Could you not remember if any were taken away?
A. I could not. I can remember that some were there.
Q. Was there anything in this memorandum book at the time you took it from Booth that is not in it now?
A. Not that I know of.”

Once again, the images did not attract much attention. They just were not considered relevant to the investigations. After being displayed during these proceedings, the photographs and the diary were returned to the Judge Advocate General’s office of the War Department. It wasn’t until 1940 that the entire collection of exhibits and objects from the Lincoln assassination trial was transferred to the Lincoln Museum, the precursor to the restored Ford’s Theatre Museum.

Identification and Misidentification

While stored out of sight for over 70 years in the JAG office, the Lincoln relics were not completely forgotten. Different clerks in the JAG often showed off their macabre collection to visitors, including newspaper reporters. It was through these little show-and-tell sessions, which also included the weapons used by Booth and his gang, that the process of trying to identify the five photographs of ladies found on Booth’s person began.

A decade ago, I wrote a post about the process of identifying all the photographs found on Booth, including some incorrect claims that arose along the way. In truth, there doesn’t seem to have been any effort to identify the women in the photographs prior to the 1880s. Over time, a general consensus was reached as to the identification of four of the five ladies. The vignetted photographs were identified as:

  • Lucy Hale, John Wilkes Booth’s secret fiancée

  • Effie Germon, a fellow actress who was the visiting star at the National Theatre. The president’s son, Tad Lincoln, was watching Germon perform in the play Aladdin when the news arrived that his father had been shot at Ford’s Theatre.

  • Alice Gray, an actress who shared the stage as Booth’s leading lady during his time as a theater manager in D.C. in 1863.

  • Helen Western, an actress Booth performed alongside early in his career.

The identity of the woman in the final and only full-body image in the group remained elusive. The clerks in the JAG office came to refer to her as the “Mysterious Beauty.” The desire to identify this last image led the clerks to duplicate her CDV and circulate copies around. This tactic proved useful as she was finally identified as Fanny Brown, another actress well-known to Booth.

Thus, we can see that there was quite a bit of trial and error in trying to determine the identities of the photographs found in Booth’s pocket. But after the correct naming of the final image as Fanny Brown, a consensus was reached. These likenesses of Lucy Hale, Effie Germon, Alice Gray, Helen Western, and Fanny Brown are on display at the Ford’s Theatre museum. They have been duplicated in many books about the assassination. Websites such as this have reproduced them digitally and written about each woman’s connection to Booth. In short, there has been no question about the identity of these ladies for well over 100 years.

But one of these identifications is wrong.

Two years ago, I was working on my historical reviews of the miniseries Manhunt (loosely based on James Swanson’s 2006 book of the same name). In the penultimate episode of the series, a reference is made by the character of John Wilkes Booth to a scrape he once got into with a woman named Henrietta, who attacked him with a knife. This was based on a real event early in Booth’s career, where he was attacked by a fellow actress named Henrietta Irving in a lover’s quarrel, which may have involved Henrietta’s sister, Marie. While recounting that incident in my review, I noted that around the same time, Booth had also worked alongside another pair of acting sisters, Lucille and Helen Western. I created this image showing both Western sisters to include in the post.

Lucille and Helen Western

It then struck me that since the fictional Booth was recounting this story while hiding in the Garrett tobacco barn, I could make the connection that Booth had a picture of Helen Western on his person when he was killed. I then pulled up the picture of Helen Western found on Booth and, for the first time, directly compared the image found on Booth with a genuine photograph of Helen Western. I was immediately struck by how dissimilar they were in some key features.

Helen Western had curly, messy-looking hair, dark eyes, and a rounded jaw. The “Helen Western” in Booth’s pocket appeared to have straight hair (though mostly hidden by a veil), light eyes that had been touched up, and a pronounced jaw. I sought out more images of Helen Western for comparison.

In the end, each photograph of Helen Western strengthened my view that Booth’s “Helen Western” had been identified incorrectly.

Since photo identifications can be a bit subjective, I reached out to a few colleagues to ask for their opinions. The four people I reached out to all responded with their agreement that this image didn’t look like Helen Western. Thomas Bogar, theater historian and author of Backstage at the Lincoln Assassination, wrote, “I looked particularly at the convergence of the nose and eyes, and of the nose and mouth, and the slant and shape and thickness of the eyebrows, not to mention the shape and nose itself. No, this is not Helen Western, and it intrigues me who it might be.”

The Search

This began a search to see if the true identity of the veiled woman could be found. Despite Dr. Bogar’s long career as a theater historian, no immediate match came to his mind. I started making lists of actresses John Wilkes Booth shared the stage with during his career, then searched for images of these women. I visited the Harry Ransom Center in Austin, Texas, multiple times to consult their large theatre collection. I pulled many photograph files of actresses from the 1860s. There were a few possibilities along the way. The veiled woman shared some similarity in appearance to actress Lotty/Lottie Hough, who had performed with Booth in New York in 1862. But the match wasn’t perfect. Avonia Jones and Jean Clara Walters shared a similar hairstyle, but their dark eyes knocked them out. My wife Jen got so used to me closely comparing faces at my computer that “looking at my ladies” became a form of verbal shorthand between us.

A 1860s collage CDV featuring the images of 100 actresses

However, despite some intense search periods, I never came up with a close enough match to really convince me I had found the right person. There was no guarantee that this veiled woman was even an actress. For all I knew, it was an image of a random person Booth knew and, if so, it was unlikely I would ever figure out who she was. Though I would continue to investigate the occasional actress I stumbled across in references to Booth’s acting, my “ladies project” largely went on the back burner as I explored other research avenues.

In March of 2025, I stumbled onto an intriguing lead when one of my Google alerts for John Wilkes Booth came back with an article entitled “Deaf woman fought for the right to vote.” The article highlighted different proponents of female suffrage who were deaf. Included in this list was a journalist, poet, and author named Laura Redden. The article stated that she had once been acquainted with John Wilkes Booth and even taught the future assassin a basic form of sign language. The article also included an image of Redden taken in the 1880s.

This profile image didn’t immediately set off any bells in my mind, but I was intrigued to learn more about this deaf poet, her story, and her connection to John Wilkes Booth.

The Deaf Woman Heard Around the Nation

Laura Catherine Redden was born on February 9, 1839 or 1840 (contradictory sources exist) in Somerset County on the eastern shore of Maryland. Following her father’s murder and her mother’s remarriage, Redden’s family moved from Maryland to Missouri, settling in St. Louis. In 1851, when Redden was about 11 years old, she became ill, likely with spinal meningitis. She recovered from her illness but was left completely deaf. The illness also affected her voice in such a manner that she gradually chose not to speak. This rendered her both deaf and mute. While initially hesitant to enroll at a school for the deaf, she eventually agreed to attend the Institute for the Deaf and Dumb in Fulton, Missouri. There she learned sign language, the American Manual Alphabet, and she attempted to learn lip reading, but she was never able to master the latter skill. For communication with those who did not know sign language, Redden resorted to writing. Initially, this consisted of her school slate and pencils, but in time, she carried a pad of paper with her everywhere she went.

As the written word largely became her only means of communication with the outside world, Redden began exploring it in all forms. She quickly became known for her works of prose and poetry, submitting many poems to periodicals like Harper’s Magazine. Redden was considered a star student, and upon her graduation in 1858, she was even offered a teaching position at the school, but she declined. She moved back in with her family in St. Louis and soon accepted a position as the literary editor for a weekly Presbyterian newspaper.

The tenor of the times in the late 1850s into the early 1860s was that of the growing conflict between the slave power in the South and Northern abolitionism. Redden compsoed poems about events of the day while also writing political editorials and submitting them to the St. Louis Republican newspaper. To gain purchase in the political sphere dominated by men, the 20-year-old Redden wrote under the pen name Howard Glyndon.

Redden had grown up in the slave states of Maryland and Missouri and was initially against the cause of abolition. In the lead-up to the election of 1860, Redden supported the candidacy of Stephen Douglas, feeling that the election of either Abraham Lincoln or John C. Breckinridge would throw the country into disunion and war. When Douglas lost to Lincoln, and several southern states seceded from the Union prior to his inauguration, Redden (as Glyndon) appealed for calmer heads to prevail. In an editorial called “Stand Together,” Redden called for patriots in the North and South to counter the movements of the extremists on both sides and join together under the banner “Union for the Union!” When the Civil War began with the firing on Fort Sumter by Confederate forces in South Carolina, Redden argued against her state of Missouri joining the Confederacy, despite her strong disagreements with the federal government.

Prior to the hostilities, a Missouri convention had voted almost unanimously against secession. In June of 1861, the Missouri governor, Claiborne Jackson, was in secret communication with Confederate President Jefferson Davis regarding a plan to force Missouri to secede by way of a military coup. Redden vehemently advocated against Gov. Jackson’s call to draft 50,000 soldiers into the state’s militia, not even knowing what his true purpose was. Ultimately, Governor Jackson’s coup failed due to the intervention of Union General Nathaniel Lyon and his forces, who ousted Jackson and caused him to flee into southwestern Missouri. In August of 1861, Nathaniel Lyon became the first Union general to die in battle when his forces lost to Confederate forces at the Battle of Wilson’s Creek near Springfield, Missouri. The victorious Confederates were aided by members of the Missouri State Guard acting under the command of Sterling Price, one of Gov. Jackson’s acolytes.

A month later, Confederate partisans enacted an attack by partially burning the supports of a rail bridge that spanned the Platte River east of St. Joseph, Missouri. This caused a derailment of a west-bound train that crashed into the Platte River, killing about 20 and wounding 100 of the crew and civilian passengers. The death of Gen. Lyon at the hands of “neutral” Missouri guardsmen, and this secessionist attack on innocent men, women, and children riding a train, made a strong impact on Redden. In the aftermath of these events, Redden, as Glyndon, wrote, “I have been very patient and very moderate on this subject, but this last outrage is too much for my feelings. If all I hear of it is true, I will never bear another word in extenuation of rebellion in Missouri, or the policy of mild measures.”

Glyndon’s moderate Union views published in the papers made “him” an enemy in secessionist circles. Efforts were made by pro-Confederate sympathizers to identify the prolific columnist. The pro-secessionist newspaper, the State Journal, eventually broke the news that the learned Howard Glyndon of the St. Louis Republican was, in fact, a 21-year-old deaf woman named Laura Redden. Though publicly unmasked, Redden was not silenced into submission. In fact, the “unchivalrous attack” made on her by secessionist enemies worked to elevate her reputation. The story of the thoughtful and intriguing young woman writing about the most important political matters of the day under a pseudonym made headlines, and soon, other papers were clamoring for pieces by “Howard Glyndon.”

In September of 1861, Redden was sent by the St. Louis Republican to Washington, D.C., to act as a war correspondent. Upon arrival in D.C., Redden made the acquaintance of Attorney General Edward Bates, a fellow Missourian. It was through an introduction from Bates that Redden first met Abraham Lincoln. Though a harsh critic of Lincoln and his administration less than a year before, Redden was quickly sympathetic to the man who bore the weight of the world on his shoulders. She wrote, “You could not to save your life, even if you were that man’s bitterest enemy, look upon that shattered giant and come away without feeling a respectful pity for the suffering that is so plainly written on his honest face.”

Her dispatches home were filled with discussions of the sights of Washington, and she continued to compose poems revolving around the events of the day. She often resided at the Willard, one of the best hotels in the city, and a common place of lodging for members of Congress and visiting dignitaries. Redden made visits to the War Department and Telegraph Offices, establishing a rapport with the clerks and employees. Her method of communication through writing made her an oddity of sorts, and she used the curiosity of others to further her journalistic and artistic pursuits.

Over the next few years, Redden became well known in the social and political circles of the capital. She interacted with many members of Congress and was even invited to the occasional White House Ball by Mrs. Lincoln. In June of 1862, Redden took up a new project in addition to her role as war correspondent. She was hired by New York publishers Baker & Godwin to write a volume of short biographies about sitting members of the House of Representatives. Redden was assisted by several of her male journalist counterparts, who wrote draft sketches of some of the representatives. But the final book was of Redden’s construction, and it was completed by the fall of 1862. Notable Men in “The House:” A Series of Sketches of Prominent Men in the House of Representatives, Members of the Thirty-Seventh Congress, contained biographies of 52 members of the House and was published under the Howard Glyndon non de plume.

In the summer of 1863, Redden traveled back to St. Louis for a visit. While back home, she was asked by music publisher Balmer & Weber to compose the lyrics for a Missouri-centric pro-Union song. Balmer & Weber were familiar with the song “Maryland, My Maryland,” written by James Ryder Randall. That was a secessionist ballad written during the early days of the Civil War, urging Maryland to join the Confederacy. Just like Missouri, Maryland was a slave state with deeply divided sympathies. Randall’s song called for Maryland to rise up against the despot on its shores, referring to Lincoln. In one verse, Randall writes that Maryland, “is not dead, nor deaf, nor dumb – Huzzah! She spurns the Northern scum.” The irony of asking Redden, the celebrated deaf poet and journalist, to write a pro-Union Missouri counterpoint to Randall’s song was not lost on the 23-year-old. Redden agreed and composed the lyrics to “Belle Missouri,” inscribed to the Union volunteers of Missouri. The song, which copied the same music as “Maryland, My Maryland” (which itself was a copy of the Christmas song “Oh, Tannenbaum”), was an unapologetic and rousing pro-Union song, ending with the call to rise up, “the loyal stripes and stars,” and “down with the traitor stars and bars.”

Redden’s time in Washington had caused her to rethink her earlier proslavery stance. In the aftermath of the Emancipation Proclamation, she witnessed scores of Black men enlist in the Union Army to fight for their country and the freedom of their brethren. Their bravery and sacrifice were not lost on Redden. In the aftermath of the Fort Pillow massacre, in which Black Union soldiers were killed after surrendering to Confederate forces who had overwhelmed the garrison, Redden composed a scathing poem criticizing those who still claimed that Black men were not willing to fight. She ended the poem with:

“Perhaps, when they hallow this common cause
With their thousands of nameless graves,
Your selfish hearts will proclaim at last.
They are men, and they are not slaves!”

In 1864, Redden was back in Washington when Ulysses S. Grant came to town to be promoted to Lt. General by President Lincoln. Like everyone else, she desired to meet the man who would now command the entire Union army. In April, she secured a pass to visit Grant at his headquarters near Culpeper, Virginia. Redden was immediately impressed by Grant, and the General also took a liking to the journalist poet and her unique way of communicating. A polite friendship arose between the two. During this time, Redden’s mother died, and she desired to secure a position of some sort for her younger brother, Alex, who was then 16 years old. General Grant assisted in enlisting Redden’s underage brother in the cavalry and then transferred to his own staff as a boy orderly.

A military pass issued to Laura Redden from General Ulysses S. Grant

It was also during 1864 that Redden undertook the task of assembling the many poems she had written over the course of the war and compiling them for publication. She named her collected volume of war poems, Idyls of Battle and Poems of the Rebellion. In August of 1864, Redden presented a manuscript of her collection to President Lincoln personally. On August 29, 1864, Redden picked the manuscript back up from the President, and Lincoln had written the following note of support: “At the request of the Author I have glanced over these poems, and find them all patriotic, and some very pretty. A. Lincoln.” In the preface to the book (also published under the Glyndon pen name), Redden included a long list of patrons and subscribers who supported her efforts. Heading the list were President Lincoln and General Grant. These two were followed by a veritable who’s who of the political elite, including Senators, Representatives, Governors, Army officers, foreign diplomats, and lawyers.

In February of 1865, Laura Redden departed America for a planned six-month visit to Europe. This tour would actually last almost four years as Redden soaked in the sights and history of Italy, the Papal States, and France. She learned the languages of her host countries, along with German and Spanish. She now acted as a foreign correspondent for several newspapers in the States and also supplemented her income by writing research articles and providing translation services.

Redden would eventually return to America and continue to write and publish poems. In 1869, she translated a French novel called Brother and Sister: Or A Little Boy’s Story, for English audiences. Redden ultimately published four books of poetry over the years: Idyls of Battle and Poems of the Rebellion (1864), Sounds from Secret Chambers (1874), Of El Dorado (1897), and Echoes of Other Days (1921). She also went to school under the tutelage of Alexander Graham Bell, who helped her relearn how to use her voice again. In 1872, a town in western Minnesota was named Glyndon in honor of Redden and her literary accomplishments. In 1876, Redden married a man named Edward Searing, and while the marriage did not last, it did result in the birth of a daughter, Elsa. In the 1880s, Redden moved to California and resided there for the rest of her life, except for a brief time when she lived with Elsa and her husband, John McGinn, in Fairbanks, Alaska. Laura Redden Searing died on August 10, 1923. She was buried at Holy Cross Catholic Cemetery in Colma, CA.

The Poet and the Assassin

Sometime during Laura Redden’s residency in Washington or during her visits to New York City in 1864 and 1865, she made the acquaintance of actor John Wilkes Booth. The exact details of their first meeting and the length of their association are not known. However, we do know that by February of 1865, Redden and Booth were on friendly terms. During this time, Booth was secretly engaged to Lucy Hale, the daughter of former New Hampshire Senator John P. Hale, one of Redden’s poetic patrons listed in her book. This was the same time when Redden was staying in New York, preparing to depart on her European journey. John Wilkes Booth was also visiting New York at the time, staying at his brother Edwin’s home. There he was joined by his eldest brother Junius, who was also visiting. Junius penned a letter to their sister Asia, then living in Philadelphia, informing her of family news. The elder brother noted that John Wilkes had stayed up all night working on an acrostic valentine for Lucy Hale and ensuring it would get in the mail on time. Then, the next day, Wilkes stayed up again until 3:30 am writing a long letter to Lucy, this time pestering his brother to act as a dictionary for him, much to Junius’s annoyance. Junius then includes the following few lines in his letter:

“The Dumb and Deaf poetess Miss Reading [sic] you & I were speaking about is here & John is acquainted with her & is practicing his fingers to talk with her – since his Acrostic he is resolved to cultivate his Muse.”

Thus, it appears that Booth was attempting to learn a bit of sign language or, more likely, the manual alphabet of finger spelling, in order to better converse with Redden. But the actor had little time to study, as on February 18, 1865, Laura Redden set sail for Europe. Before she departed, however, John Wilkes Booth wrote a farewell note to Redden. That goodbye message, written in pencil on a dark sheet of paper, reads:

“‘Parting is such sweet sorrow that I could say good night till it be morrow’
With every wish for your good and prayer for your happiness
I am toujours le meme
J. Wilkes Booth”

In this note, Booth slightly alters Juliet’s line from Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet and ends with a French phrase which translates to “always the same.”

With that, Redden sailed off to Europe. She was touring Italy when the news of the fall of the Confederate capital of Richmond and General Lee’s surrender to General Grant reached her. “I and all the Americans drank to the flag,” Redden wrote in her diary. Soon, however, the times of celebration would turn to mourning. On April 14, Redden’s friendly acquaintance, John Wilkes Booth, assassinated Abraham Lincoln at Ford’s Theatre while his conspirator, Lewis Powell, violently attacked Secretary of State William Seward and members of his household. It took some time for the news to reach Redden in Rome, and initial reports were hazy. On April 27, Redden wrote in her diary, “It is reported from the American Ambassador that Mr. Lincoln is assassinated and that Mr. Seward is dying. That it was done in Richmond. I wait to hear further advice before deciding as to the truth of it.” Further meetings of the American delegation in Rome soon revealed the truth, and Redden was greatly saddened by the national calamity. On May 10, 1865, what would have been John Wilkes Booth’s 27th birthday, Redden recorded the following in her diary:

“We heard today that Wilkes Booth had been taken – he was in a granary – and they discovered him and set fire to the building and he was killed while defending himself. What a dreadful story from beginning to end! It is very hard, when both he and Mr. Lincoln were my personal friends.”

A Farewell Photo Among Friends?

For months, I had been looking into different actresses in my attempt to identify the mysterious veiled woman found in Booth’s diary. But the knowledge that Laura Redden had interacted with Booth two months before he assassinated the President and, more importantly, that Booth composed a farewell message to Redden prior to her European voyage led to an intriguing conclusion. Could Laura Redden have given Booth a photograph of herself as her own farewell gift to him?

Exchanging carte de visite photographs was common among friends, and Booth, a vain actor, was well known to have kept many copies of his own images to give away. Laura Redden, a celebrity in her own right, would also likely have images to present as keepsakes to those she met. In one of Grant’s letters to Redden in 1864, the General thanked her for pictures she sent him of herself and her brother, Alex. It made sense that Redden would present Booth with a token of her esteem on the eve of her departure, especially since Booth himself had presented her with a goodbye note.

By doing some searches, I was able to find a few images of Laura Redden from her younger years and compared them to the veiled woman image from Booth’s diary. The following is one of my first side-by-side comparisons with two images of Redden taken in about 1871 and 1867.

I noticed a strong resemblance in the jaw line and nose, and the light colored eyes were also a match. Remember that some mild alteration has been made to Booth’s CDV. The eyes, lips, and cheeks of the veiled woman have been lightly colorized. But there were only a few images of Laura Redden in her younger years available online, and the quality of the images I found was somewhat lacking. Still, even with these rougher comparisons, I began to believe that after many false starts, I was finally on the right path.

In the end, I knew my best bet was to consult a collection of Laura Redden Searing’s papers housed in Columbia, Missouri. They had been donated to The State Historical Society of Missouri in 1998 by Redden’s great-grandson, Thomas McGinn Smith. From the historical society’s online finding aid, I knew that the collection housed several folders of images of Redden, her poetry, diaries from Europe, letters from General Grant and other dignitaries, and the farewell message penned by John Wilkes Booth. My hope was that the collection would contain an identical copy of the veiled woman image, thus proving that the image found on Booth was indeed Laura Redden. While I was eager to check out the collection as soon as possible, the distance between my home in Texas and the papers in Columbia, Missouri, made a research trip not feasible for a while.

However, last month, my parents celebrated their 50th wedding anniversary in my home state of Illinois. Rather than flying back for the celebration, my family and I chose to drive. I planned our route to include an overnight in Columbia, so that I could squeeze in a brief morning research visit to the historical society before we hit the road again. With only two hours to spend, I eagerly signed into the reading room of The State Historical Society of Missouri and started looking through the boxes of the Laura Redden Searing papers the archivists had pulled for me.

I took images of Booth’s farewell note to Redden, correspondences Redden had with General Grant, his aides Gen. Cyrus Comstock and Adam Badeau, and even the above letter from Edwin Booth, thanking Redden for sending him a copy of her poems. I hurriedly tried to read through Redden’s lengthy diary from Italy. It proved very difficult to find her passing references to hearing the news of Lincoln’s death among the pages and pages of her descriptions of the ornate churches and museums she visited. There was also a short, handwritten essay Redden composed in the post-war years called “President Lincoln’s Life Might Have Been Saved.” It contained Redden’s interview with two eyewitnesses of the tragedy at Ford’s Theatre and their opinion that Lincoln’s death could have been prevented had footman Charles Forbes acted differently that night. The eyewitness account is full of factual mistakes, such as claiming Tad Lincoln was present at Ford’s Theatre and that Mrs. Lincoln was not, and this may account for why Redden never published the piece.

But, of course, my focus was on the collection’s photographs. An old family photo album promised five images of Redden from the 1860s, but only two were actually present, and both show Redden in costume during her time abroad. While there were many pictures of Redden as an older woman with her daughter, Elsa, there were scant few images of her in her younger years. Sadly, the photograph I was most hoping for, a duplicate of the veiled woman image found on Booth, was not in the collection.

But this is not to say that I struck out. The collection contained two good-quality images of Redden in a similar pose to the veiled woman image. One dates to about 1859, around the time she started working for the St. Louis Republican, and features Redden with a long braid.

The other is undated but appears to be from the early 1860s. In this image, Redden has shorter hair, and the CDV is inscribed to one of her siblings, possibly Alex.

Here are these two images of Redden with Booth’s veiled woman between them.

While I know photographic comparisons can be very subjective, I believe these three images show the same person.

My Conclusions

Well over 100 years ago, an unnamed clerk or newspaper reporter visiting the office of the Judge Advocate General decided that one of the photographs found on John Wilkes Booth when he died was of Helen Western. Since then, generations of historians, members of the public, and even the National Park Service have taken this identification to be correct. In countless books and articles about the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, Helen Western’s name has been included as a footnote. But the identification of Western was little more than a guess, and as has been demonstrated here, an incorrect one.

A detailed (but by no means exhaustive) search was undertaken to compare the image of the veiled woman to images of actresses with whom John Wilkes Booth shared the stage, in hopes the figure would prove to be a fellow actor. This was done because three of the other images in Booth’s diary were of his contemporaries, Effie Germon, Alice Gray, and Fanny Brown. This search failed to find any strong matches.

A consultation of the Laura Redden Searing papers at The State Historical Society of Missouri failed to find an exact duplicate of Booth’s photograph. However, other images of Laura Redden as she appeared in the 1850s – 1870s all bear a striking resemblance to the veiled figure in Booth’s photograph.

We know from Booth family writings and from Laura Redden’s own diary that she had a friendship with John Wilkes Booth. Before she left for Europe on February 18, 1865, John Wilkes Booth wrote her a farewell message. It would have been a very natural development for Redden to have reciprocated Booth’s farewell note with a photograph of herself for her friend to remember her by. The actor then placed the gifted photograph in the pocket of his diary, where it found company with images of his fiancée, Lucy Hale, and three of his peers. Two months later, the photograph was still in the diary pocket when Booth assassinated Abraham Lincoln at Ford’s Theatre, and he was subsequently cornered and killed at the Garrett farm.

By the time the clerks in the JAG office began trying to identify the images found on Booth in the 1880s, Redden was no longer a Washington resident and not in the public eye as she once was. It is unlikely the younger clerks from the 1880s onward even knew the 1860s war correspondent “Howard Glyndon” and her work. With her true identity unknown, she was erroneously labeled as Helen Western.

While the search will continue to find another example of the veiled woman photograph that isn’t an exact duplicate of the CDV found on Booth, I am confident that if such a photograph turns up, it will be labeled as Laura Redden Searing. The photographic and historical evidence we have makes a strong and compelling case.

Laura Redden’s Legacy

My purpose in writing this piece is not only to correct the record regarding the identity of the woman found in the pocket of Lincoln’s assassin, but also to draw attention to the amazing life and work of Laura Redden Searing. She fought hard to occupy political and social spaces dominated almost exclusively by men. When her fictitious male pseudonym was revealed, she didn’t back down but openly embraced her duality as both Redden and Glyndon to gain agency and intellectual freedom. When deafness forced Redden to rely on the written word to communicate, she became a master of prose and verse. Despite her long muteness, her collections of poems, especially her wartime ballads, gave voice to the immense feelings of loss and triumph that filled the nation. Laura Redden deserves to be known to a new generation of historians and readers.

I invite you all to read more about, and from, Laura Redden. The following were of immense help in writing this piece:

Echoes of Other Days by Howard Glyndon (Laura C. R. Searing) – This is a large volume of Redden’s poems, including her Civil War pieces, compiled by her daughter in 1921

Sweet Bells Jangled: Laura Redden Searing a Deaf Poet Restored edited by Judy Yaeger Jones and Jane E. Vallier (available to read for free from Gallaudet University)

Fighting in the Shadows: Untold Stories of Deaf People in the Civil War by Harry G. Lang

“The Truth About Mrs. Lincoln” by Howard Glyndon – In 1882, Laura Redden Searing wrote this interesting piece for The Independent magazine, defending the late Mary Lincoln.

Lastly, I would like to give my thanks to the archivists and staff of The State Historical Society of Missouri in Columbia. Without the work of archivists going through collections and creating detailed finding aids, the work of independent researchers like me just wouldn’t be possible.

Categories: History | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , | 13 Comments

“You have Doubtless heard of Booth the Murderer of President Lincoln” – Pvt. Emory Parady’s Letter Home by Steven G. Miller

Thanks to my good friend Steve Miller for allowing me to republish the following short article and its included letter. The article contains a letter that was written by Emory Parady to his parents on April 28, 1865. Parady was a member of the 16th New York Cavalry and part of the detachment that traveled to Virginia in search of John Wilkes Booth.  In his letter, Pvt. Parady recounted the capture and death of Lincoln’s assassin. It’s a fascinating first-person account of the assassin’s end, written just two days after the event. I appreciate Steve sharing this part of his collection with us.


The month of April 1865 had been a busy one for Pvt. Emory Parady, a trooper in the Sixteenth New York Cavalry stationed in Vienna, VA, just outside Washington City. On the 9th of that month, he had celebrated his 21st birthday. The war was winding down, and it looked like he would soon be released from service. Any danger was likely passed.

Then, on the morning of the 15th, the regiment had gotten the terrible news that the president had been shot the night before. Parady and several hundred fellow members of the Sixteenth were deployed to capture John Wilkes Booth, the announced assassin. On the following day, the day before Easter, Parady and others were sent to Washington to help in the manhunt and to prepare for the state funeral on the 19th.

Parady was aware that his father, Edward Parady/Paradis, would be particularly upset by news of the assassination. The president was a great family favorite, and Emory had a four-year-old brother who had been christened Lincoln Parady. He might have been comforted by the fact that Emory had ridden as an escort to Lincoln’s body.

On the 24th, Pvt. Parady had volunteered as a member of a search party organized at the Lincoln Barracks. Lieut. Edward Doherty of the 16th, had received orders to proceed down the Potomac River accompanied by two War Department detectives. They had a fresh lead on Booth’s whereabouts.

The 29-man group landed in the Northern Neck of Virginia, and over the next several hours, they looked for Booth’s trail. Through a combination of hard-riding, determination, and good luck, they found Booth on the night of April 25-26th at the farm of Richard Garrett in Caroline County. He was trapped but would not surrender to the troopers. He was shot while resisting arrest and died a couple of hours afterward.

Back at the Lincoln Barracks on the 28th, located near the White House, Parady was able to write a letter to his parents detailing the death of the assassin. Perhaps that could give them some solace in the wake of the distressing events of the previous two weeks. This eyewitness account contains some important information concerning the identification of the man in the barn and the way he was killed. It presents clear and detailed contemporary evidence that confirms my opinion that the patrol ran down the correct man, not some Booth lookalike. Parady spelled out the circumstances of the shooting, gave us specifics on the time, place, action, and even the fact that the body had the ink-tattooed initials “J.W.B.” on the hand.

The text of this letter follows:

“Washington D.C. Apr. 28th, 1865

Dear Father & Mother

I will write again in hopes of hearing from you as it is so long since I’ve had intelligence it causes me much anxiety. Bert is the only one I heard of for a long time{.} he was well & stated he had not heard from you for several weeks & thought he would give up writing as he had no answers{.}

You have doubtless heard of Booth the Murderer of President Lincoln{.}

We caught him & Harrold on the morning of the 26th in a Barn. Fortunately they were locked in or they would {have} escaped when we surrounded the House as we thought they were there & after threatning the owner of the Places lif {sic} one of his sons (a soldier from Lees army) came up & told they were there or at least two suspicious characters & locked up in the Barn one by the name of John Wm. Boyd his reason for choosing that name was on account {of} the initials J.W.B. on his left hand{.} Harrold surrendered & Booth would not on any conditions{.} his only terms were if we moved back 50 paces from the Barn he would come out & fight us & told us if we shot him to shoot him through the Body through the heart says he {‘}Boys make a stretcher{.’}

We told him we would fire the Barn if he did not come out & give up his arms{.} he was armed with two Revolvers a Carabine seven shooter & two Bowie Knives the longest one was Bloody on both sides of the blade{.} we fired the {barn} as it was dark between 3 & 4 in the morning & he had the advantage of us as he could see us & we could not see him but as soon as the fire lit up he tried to stamp it out & found he could not so he walked ran back to the midle of the floor & was in the act of raising the caribine when crack went a Pistol & I with with {sic} Col Baker Chief detective rushed in & caried him out{.} he was shot through the Neck about 2 inches lower than Mr. Lincoln was{.} his last words were Mother! Mother My Mother{.} he could just whisper{.}

well I will close as I feel very dull today & if I when I see you I will tell you more about it{.} we were on the chase three days & three nights without sleep & hardly any thing to eat so you may judge I am not very livly today{.} We caught him across the Raphannock three miles from Port Royal.

no more at present
from Emory

address as before
Write soon”

Categories: History, Steven G. Miller | Tags: , , , , | 5 Comments

The Many Coats of Abraham Lincoln with Reignette Chilton

When Abraham Lincoln was assassinated at Ford’s Theatre, he was wearing two coats. His outer layer was a custom greatcoat from the celebrated clothier Brooks Brothers. President Lincoln originally wore this greatcoat with the phrase “One Country, One Destiny” embroidered on the inside at his second inauguration, just a month before his murder. In 2019, researcher and author Reignette Chilton published a book called Lincoln’s Greatcoat: The Unlikely Odyssey of a Presidential Relic. In that book, Ms. Chilton documented the greatcoat’s journey from being a private possession of a White House doorkeeper’s family to a national treasure that long greeted visitors upon their entrance to Ford’s Theatre.

In January of 2026, Ms. Chilton released a new book delving into the other coat Lincoln wore on the fateful night of April 14, 1865. Beneath the elaborate Brooks Brothers greatcoat, Lincoln wore a regular suit coat, known as a frock coat. In the over 160 years since his death, three different frock coats have become associated with the tragedy at Washington. They exist in the collections of the Smithsonian, Ford’s Theatre, and the Chicago History Museum. But which is THE coat Lincoln was wearing when the fatal bullet was fired? In Lincoln’s Frock Coat: The Enduring Mystery of an Assassination Relic, Ms. Chilton dives deep into each frock coat and the evidence behind the claims. The journeys of these frock coats involve members of the Lincoln family, trusted White House staff, noted artists, wealthy collectors, auctioneers, lawyers, and more, as supporters of two of the coats fought bitterly to be recognized as the true assassination relic. It’s a historical mystery expertly solved through primary sources and comprehensive analysis.

I was fortunate to conduct a virtual interview with Reignette Chilton to discuss her background, research, and fascinating books, with an emphasis on the mysterious Lincoln frock coats. Reignette had so many interesting stories to share that we talked for over an hour and a half, and even then, we only scratched the surface of these relics. I hope you enjoy the interview.

If this interview has whetted your appetite for more (and I hope it has), go out and buy or borrow Lincoln’s Frock Coat: The Enduring Mystery of an Assassination Relic to learn which coat deserves to be called the last frock coat Lincoln ever wore.

Categories: History, News | Tags: , , , , , | 4 Comments

A Filthy Fortunes “Find”

While chatting on the phone today with my mom, she told me about seeing a show on the Discovery Channel recently called Filthy Fortunes. The reality show revolves around a team of people who clean out extremely cluttered rooms and homes, selling the items contained to hopefully pay for the clean up and make some profit. It’s essentially the TV show Hoarders but with an emphasis on looking for some treasure in the rough.

My mom said that in the episode she watched, the crew came across a John Wilkes Booth card of some sort that they were very excited about. She said it was signed by him and apparently went for a lot of money. I decided to look into the show and see what treasure they had found.

Here’s a clip from the show that they put on social media showing the discovery of the Booth card:

As I had suspected, what the clean-up crew found was a carte-de-visite photograph of John Wilkes Booth. These are not all that rare, as Booth was a famous actor who regularly had his picture taken. While there was a temporary halt on the sale of Booth’s photographs after the assassination, when this order was rescinded, many photographers flooded the market with photos of the assassin. There are many pictures of Booth, and the pose found by the cleaners, where he is wearing his fancy jacket, is one of the most common images of him.

The host of the show was very excited because he said the photo was signed by Booth at the bottom. Now, a genuine signed CDV of John Wilkes Booth would be worth quite a lot of money. An oversized clipped signature of Booth’s sold for over $17,000 a decade ago. Unfortunately for the host, this is clearly not signed by John Wilkes Booth. The writing looks nothing like Booth’s handwriting and is in print, not cursive. This isn’t the first person to confuse a labeled image of John Wilkes Booth with a signed one; they regularly pop up on eBay and other places. There is also some random text written on the top of the card, but again, not in Booth’s hand. This writing actually detracts from the value of the otherwise average Booth CDV. On eBay, you could maybe get $100 for it.

I found the rest of the episode online and got to the point where the host was revealing to the homeowner how much money they made selling the things they found in the house. The host documented the other things they had sold from the home, including misprinted stamps, a Mustang, and a coin collection. He then stated to the homeowner:

“The item that really put us over the hump was a signed John Wilkes Booth card. We sent it to auction and they estimated that it’ll be worth $10,000.”

He then stated that with the cash sale of the other items and the auction estimation, they made $28,000 from the items in the house. The cleaning cost was $10,000, leaving $18,000 profit. This was then split between the homeowner and the cleaning crew, 60-40. The host handed over a stack of cash to the homeowner, saying it was her $10,800 share. She was, of course, ecstatic to not only have her house cleaned out but to have made $10k in the process.

But did she?

Well, let’s look and see how much that “signed” John Wilkes Booth CDV actually brought when it was sold at auction in July of 2024.

It sold for $80. Not $8,000. Not $800. $80. And, actually, that is a pretty fair price for an average Booth CDV with random writing on it. Interestingly, the auction house that sold it did not attempt to portray this as a signed CDV. The description documents that John Wilkes Booth’s name on the bottom is “(not in his hand).” We can also see that the starting price for this CDV was set at $40, hardly an amount you would start at for a priceless relic like a genuine signed Booth item. So, where in the world did the host get the estimation of $10,000?

My guess is that when they shot the end of the episode, the production company had not yet reached out to any auction house. Instead, they just looked at some recent auction prices of genuine Booth signatures and letters and made a guess. If they did reach out to a real auction house, the auctioneers must have given them the $10k valuation sight unseen. I have a hard time believing any legitimate auctioneer would have thought this photograph had a genuine signature. Even a quick Google search would show that the printed name has nothing in common with the assassin’s autograph. You have to wonder how that homeowner felt when the production company eventually informed her that she was getting less than half of what they told her on camera since their $10,000 item only sold for $80.

This Booth CDV makes an appearance in the pilot episode of Filthy Fortunes. When I was trying to find a video of the show online, I came across a few interviews the main host had with media people and YouTubers during the promotional period before the show debuted. In some of those interviews he makes mention of this great John Wilkes Booth find. But his recollections of the actual item are wildly incorrect. The biggest issue is that the host clearly does not know the difference between a picture and a playbill. Here’s an assortment of his comments on the item from different interviews:

“…the most interesting thing we found this season was a John Wilkes Booth playbill, like an actual picture of John Wilkes Booth that he signed like not too long before he shot Lincoln…”

“…it’s a play- it’s a picture, basically like a tintype, so like a Polaroid, of John Wilkes Booth. It’s dated. He signed it. Cause he was an actor at the Ford theater there in D.C. And so we found like a playbill, with John Wilkes Booth’s signature, like three months before he shot Lincoln…”

“…a John Wilkes Booth card…it’s a playbill from the Ford’s theater with a picture signed by John Wilkes Booth and it was like six months before he shot Lincoln…Let me tell you that’s worth some real money…”

“…the coolest thing for me this season was a John Wilkes Booth playbill that was signed by John Wilkes Booth at the Ford theater…When I found the John Wilkes Booth card, I was like ‘I got a guy’ [to sell it to]…”

Perplexingly, in a far more casual and expletive-laden interview the host gave to a Twitch streamer, he recounts how he sold the Booth CDV to a private individual for $40,000. I’m going to embed that video below, but I am warning everyone that there is a lot of cursing throughout (because that’s how you get in cool with the youths, apparently). The video should start right at the beginning of their discussion of the Booth item:

I honestly have no idea what to make of this video and the claim that the host sold the CDV for $40,000. Fraudulent and fake things sell all the time in the auction world to people who don’t know any better. I know of one eBay seller who regularly has CDVs of Booth, the other Lincoln conspirators, and other famous people for sale that are terrible forgeries made by putting a modern printed picture in between two halves of genuine portrait or vignette-style CDVs with the original images removed. I highly doubt the Filthy Fortunes host acted in a malicious way like that. It’s far more likely that he truly thought he had a genuine signed Booth CDV when he found it because he doesn’t have the expertise to know the difference. His confusion over what a playbill looks like demonstrates that this area is not his forte.

In the end, all I can do is point to the auction listing showing that this labeled but not signed John Wilkes Booth image sold for $80. If the host actually sold it for $40,000 to a private individual, then he made the deal of a lifetime off of a real fool who didn’t do any due diligence. But I suspect that all of this story is bluster, intended to make the show seem more exciting by having an item appear far more valuable than it is. To borrow a phrase the youths on Twitch will understand, “it’s cap, fam.” (For my fellow non-Gen Zers, “cap” apparently means “a lie.”)

The lesson here is, as always, don’t believe what you see on “reality TV.”

Thanks, Mom, for giving me something to gripe about on the internet.

Categories: History, News | Tags: , , , | 4 Comments

Become a Patron!

When this blog first started in March of 2012, it was little more than a shelf where I could show off small research oddities and tidbits of information I came across during my own exploration into the subject of Abraham Lincoln’s assassination. I was still very new to the history field and unsure whether this hobby would turn into anything constructive. Since then, the community around this site has grown far beyond what I ever expected. As my followers have grown, I have worked hard to provide new and varied content, all with the aim of educating others about the events surrounding Lincoln’s assassination. I am very proud of what I have accomplished here on LincolnConspirators.com and, particularly, of the growing scholarship behind the posts and videos I have produced.

LincolnConspirators.com is not a commercial entity. I make no money to write or produce content for this site. I do not make any money from advertisements. In fact, I actually pay to keep ads off of this site. This website is a hobby and truly a labor of love for me, but there are real costs associated with owning, maintaining, and producing content for LincolnConspirators. In webhosting fees and research subscriptions alone, I spend $850 a year. This does not include the costs of new (and old) books or research and duplication fees from historic sites and museums. In addition, some of my special projects, especially my recent documentary series about the life of the Lincoln assassination conspirators at Fort Jefferson, have been quite costly to put together.

As many of you know, my background is that of an elementary school teacher. This is why LincolnConspirators.com is, and always will be, an educational resource open to all. Knowledge is power and even our uncomfortable past should be accessible to all. As I told my students when I was teaching, everyone has the capacity to enrich the world around them by sharing their unique knowledge, abilities, and stories with others. Over my career, I taught first, second, and third grades in Illinois and Maryland and worked as a reading interventionist here in Texas. Unfortunately, my teaching career ended when I was fired from the private school I worked at here in Texas because I spoke out against the banning of LGBTQ+ books at our local public library during a library board meeting. Since then, I have become a stay-at-home dad while trying to make some money on the side to help support our family.

To help offset the cost of running this website and to financially support my goal to write a book about the Lincoln assassination, I have launched a Patreon page for LincolnConspirators.com. Patreon is an online system that allows followers to provide financial support for the work being done by their favorite creators. The website operates a bit like TV  infomercials where you pledge to donate a certain amount each month. Patrons choose whatever amount they would like to give, and once a month, Patreon will charge that amount to your credit card and give it to your chosen creator. In essence, Patreon is a subscription service where your chosen monthly payment goes to a specific creator whose work you enjoy.

By becoming a patron of LincolnConspirators.com you will provide financial support for the work that I do. A pledge of any amount would help lift some of the financial burden of creating content for this site and help provide me with some financial breathing room as I actively work on my book. I am not expecting that I will ever be able to break even regarding the costs of my work, but every little bit would make it easier to continue sharing with you all the history that we find fascinating.

“But what’s in it for me?”

The great thing about Patreon is that it is more than just charity. The platform allows creators to provide exclusive, patron-only content for those who make a recurring monthly donation. By becoming a patron, you will receive access to content you won’t find anywhere else. This is a way for creators to thank the people financially supporting them and ensure they receive something in return for their support.

Patreon allows for a tiered system of support. Creators can provide more exclusive content based on how much a patron gives monthly. For my Patreon, I have created three tiers of support at different price points. Note that the tiers are cumulative, meaning that if you give at the highest priced tier, you not only receive its unique benefit, but all the benefits from the tiers below it. Here is a breakdown of the different tiers and the benefits patrons receive in each:


Tier 1: Family Circle

For $3 a month, you are a member of the Family Circle level of support. Patrons in the Family Circle will gain access to a weekly post on Patreon called, The Telegraph Office, in which I curate and share recent news stories relating to the Lincoln assassination from the past week and beyond. You’ll be well-informed of different talks, articles, auction items, and other connections being made out in the world to the death of Lincoln and the hunt for John Wilkes Booth. This post will be different each week as I comb through the news to find interesting stories to share and recount some upcoming anniversaries for the week ahead. For a free dispatch example from The Telegraph Office, click here.

Tier 2: Dress Circle

For $7 a month, you are a member of the Dress Circle level of support. In addition to the weekly offering from Telegraph Office, you will receive access to The Vault, a fortnightly post that highlights an artifact relating to the Lincoln assassination story. Objects in the vault are often more than they appear to be, so learn the history behind some of the hidden objects locked away in museums, private collections, or even those lost to time. Every so often, you will find yourself visiting a different kind of vault altogether, as the curator takes you on a field trip to the grave of a person connected to Lincoln’s death. The Vault is open to all for just the price of admission.

Tier 3: Orchestra Chairs

For a recurring donation of $15+ a month, you are a member of the Orchestra Chair level – the top tier of supporters to LincolnConspirators.com. Not only will you receive weekly dispatches from The Telegraph Office and fortnightly tours of The Vault, but you will also gain exclusive access to monthly videos from me, Dave Taylor, as I discuss my ongoing research for my book and other projects. You will receive exclusive early access to information and new historical discoveries well before anyone else. In addition, you can submit your own questions about the Lincoln assassination, which I will answer as a sort of community Q&A. At this tier of support, you will be an invaluable member of my history team.


Now, some of you longtime followers might be thinking this seems a bit familiar. That is because back in 2018, I started a Patreon when this website was still called BoothieBarn. Shortly after starting that Patreon, I was accepted into a Master’s degree program. The combination of my own classes on top of my job as an elementary school teacher significantly curtailed my ability to provide content to my patrons. I started to feel guilty for accepting donations when I just didn’t have the time to provide much in return. So, after only nine months, I shut that Patreon down.

It is now six years later, and I am in a much better position to provide consistent and valuable content to those who choose to support me financially. In these preliminary stages of my book research and writing, I’ve already come across many interesting side characters and stories I would love to share, especially since I don’t know when (or even if) my book will come to fruition. Having some financial support will help me and my family greatly as I devote so much of my time to a book project with so much uncertainty.

Thank you for considering becoming a patron of LincolnConspirators.com. To learn more, please click the “Become a Patron” button below to be taken to my Patreon page to read my story. There you will find information on how the Patreon system works and how to sign up to become a patron.

Even if you don’t have the means to contribute, I appreciate your continued support of my efforts exploring the history of the Lincoln assassination.

Sincerely,

Dave Taylor

Categories: History, News | Tags: , , , , , | 9 Comments

Manhunt Review: Episode 6 Useless

I am (still) conducting an ongoing review of the seven-part AppleTV+ miniseries Manhunt, named after the Lincoln assassination book by James L. Swanson. This is my historical review for the sixth episode of the series “Useless.”  This analysis of some of the fact vs. fiction in this episode contains spoilers. To read my reviews of other episodes, please visit the Manhunt Reviews page.


Episode 6: Useless

At the Garrett farm, Julia Garrett is concerned about her absent father finding her alone with Booth and Herold. She tells the men they have to spend the night in the tobacco barn, and no amount of flirting by Booth is able to shake her resolve. Once inside the barn, Julia locks the men in, leading Herold to immediately fear the worst. Booth, meanwhile, is unphased and tells stories to Herold in an attempt to convince him that he has been through worse scrapes than this.

Back at the Star Hotel in Bowling Green, Secretary Stanton is being cared for by a doctor after the recent collapse that prevented him from riding off with the 16th New York Cavalry. Eddie Stanton and Thomas Eckert lament the toll the manhunt has taken on Stanton and worry about the Secretary’s health.

After another interlude between Booth and Herold in the barn, the 16th NY come riding up to the Garrett house. At the point of Boston Corbett’s gun, Julia Garrett admits that the fugitives are hiding in the tobacco barn and produces the key. Booth and Herold see some cavalrymen approaching the barn and debate opening fire when the barn door is opened. Everton Conger and Luther Baker step partly inside and order the men to surrender.

Booth refuses to surrender and instead offers to settle things with a duel. Baker tells the men that they have five minutes to come out or else he will force them out. The barn door is closed again. Booth fruitlessly attempts to break through the back wall, all while cursing at Herold for being useless to him.

Outside the barn, Corbett offers to attack the barn alone in order to draw Booth’s fire. Conger reminds Corbett that they have all survived the war and that he will not lose another man now. He then orders the other soldiers to lay brush around the barn. The barn is then lit on fire, much to the chagrin of Julia Garrett.

Inside the barn, Herold decides to give up. Booth opens the door and proclaims Davy innocent of the assassination saying that he alone planned it and made his escape. Herold exits the barn and is immediately tied to a tree, while Booth remains inside the smoke-filled barn.

In Bowling Green, Eckert comes into Stanton’s room with the news that Booth will not surrender and that the cavalry is smoking him out. Despite his still weakened condition, Stanton insists on heading out to the Garrett farm to see that Booth’s capture is done right. Stanton, Eckert, and Eddie head out en route to the Garrett farm.

Even though the barn continues to burn, Booth refuses to come out. Conger approaches David Herold and asks him to go back into the barn and convince Booth to surrender. Davy finds a coughing and weakened Booth, who has seemingly accepted his fate to go out in a blaze. Davy pleads with Booth to live, even if it is only one more day. Booth appears to agree, and Davy helps lift him up.

On the outside of the barn, Boston Corbett discovers a small hole and peers through it at the men inside. Davy leads Booth towards the door of the barn when Corbett aims his pistol through the hole and fires, striking Booth and causing him to collapse. Davy turns to Booth and announces that he has been shot. Conger and Baker pull Booth from the barn as Booth deliriously states that Jefferson Davis will save him. Corbett appears, stating that Booth was about to shoot, so he fired first. Herold screams that this is a lie as Corbett looks to the heavens in amazement for having become God’s instrument.

Booth is moved further away from the flames and placed on the porch of the Garrett house. Though Julia Garrett does not want him inside, she still provides a pillow for his head and laments that a “great man deserves the hospital.” The soldiers state that Booth won’t survive the hour. Booth spits up blood, makes a few statements, and dies.

The next scene shows Stanton’s arrival at the Garrett farm after daybreak. Luther Baker apologizes to the Secretary for not taking Booth alive but repeats Corbett’s story that Booth was about to fire. Stanton is led to Booth’s body, which is wrapped in a blanket and lying on a cart. He pulls the blanket off of Booth’s face and sees his quarry face-to-face for the first time. Everton Conger appears and shows Stanton all of the items found on Booth, including his diary, which piques the Secretary’s interest. After Eddie covers Booth’s face back up, Stanton orders Eddie to have Booth’s body fully identified by a coroner and then disposed of in a place that even he doesn’t know.

We then cut to the White House, where Stanton and Judge Advocate Holt prepare to inform President Johnson of their plan to try the remaining assassination conspirators using a military tribunal rather than a civilian court. Johnson is in favor of the idea. Stanton also announces his intention to formally charge Confederate president Jefferson Davis with Lincoln’s death, drawing an uncomfortable look from Holt. President Johnson agrees but tells Stanton he better be able to prove it.

The hunt is then on for crucial witnesses to be used in the trial. In Bryantown, Oswell Swann refuses Luther Baker’s request to testify, countering with, “Talk to me when I’m considered more than three-fifths a man.” From Dr. Mudd’s cell, he pleads with his visiting neighbors to testify on his behalf and tell of his good deeds as a neighbor. Later, Edwin Stanton meets with Mary Simms at a freedmen’s camp in Arlington, telling her how important her testimony would be against Dr. Mudd.

At the War Department, Holt and Eckert express their doubts to Stanton about their ability to prove a grand conspiracy plot against Lincoln involving Jefferson Davis, George Sanders, and the Confederate government. They beg Stanton to reconsider, but he refuses, saying that the trial is his call. A visit to David Herold, looking for a connection to something bigger, proves fruitless. There is a scene showing the capture and arrest of Jefferson Davis and a discussion in the War Department about how to share it with the press.

Near the end of the episode, Eddie Stanton informs his father that the inquest over Booth’s body is finished. Before departing with Luther Baker, Eddie notices his father reading Booth’s diary and inquires about it. The Secretary tells his son not to worry about it and dismisses him to his task. Once alone in the room, Stanton tears pages from Booth’s diary and throws them into the fire.

The episode ends with the Secretary announcing his readiness to prepare the next witness, while Eddie Stanton and Luther Baker are shown disposing of three bodies.


Here are some of the things I enjoyed about this episode:

  • The Final Dream

This episode opens with a dream sequence that shows Edwin Stanton walking up to Booth’s horse as it grazes in a wood. The Secretary is moving slowly with a pistol drawn and cocked. As he approaches a large tree, Stanton puts his ear close to it before his mouth turns into a wide smile. As we rotate around the tree, we see Booth on the other side, with a revolver in his hand, but his face showing signs of concern. The scene ends with the dreamer, Booth, waking up in bed at the Garrett house. This is the third episode to begin with a dream sequence. Episode 2 started with Stanton dreaming of stopping Booth at Ford’s Theatre. While successful in the dream, the assassin reacted to Stanton’s punches by laughing in the Secretary’s face. In episode 3, Booth dreamed of his ascendance to the Presidency of the Confederacy. His swearing-in ceremony was interrupted by real-life Oswell Swann, who quickly brought Booth out of his fantasy. It’s interesting how the dream in this episode is so different than the ones that came before. Booth is no longer in control or wrapped up in his own glory. Here, near the end, Booth’s dream tells him how closely tracked he truly is. His unconscious mind is telling him the end is near, even if he doesn’t want to accept it. Just a scene later, he reassures Davy that their success is assured and that a night in a barn is nothing. But that is his ego talking. Booth’s subconscious appears to know the truth. I enjoyed all three dream sequence openings.

  • Booth and Henrietta

This episode pleasantly surprised me for a bit during Booth and Herold’s time locked in the Garrett barn. Immediately after the title sequence rolls, we see Davy banging on the locked barn door like a caged animal, convinced that the pair are done for. Booth, still ignoring his subconscious mind, assures Davy that he’s gotten out of worse scrapes. To prove his point, Booth shows off a scar on his left cheek. He tells Herold the wound was given to him by a “dancer by the name of Henrietta,” who attacked him with a knife after she found Booth in bed with her sister.

This is a true story of an event that occurred on April 26, 1861, exactly four years prior to the events in the Garrett barn. The 1860-61 theatrical season marked JWB’s first tour as a leading star actor. Theater manager Matthew Canning acted as Booth’s agent and started him in the Southern states before moving north to New York in January of 1861. After arriving in Rochester, Booth met his leading lady for the engagement, an actress by the name of Henrietta Irving.

Henrietta Irving in 1864

Five years older than Booth, Henrietta was a native of New York and said to be a niece of author Washington Irving of “The Legend of Sleepy Hollow” fame. I have tried to verify this with genealogical records but haven’t been able to prove it. Still, there may have been some family connection. Henrietta made her stage debut in 1855. Now six years into her career, Henrietta wasn’t a big household name but was still an accomplished working actress. Henrietta was most appreciated in smaller-sized cities across the country that were bereft of true “star” power. She played the leading parts well and wasn’t above playing supporting roles or sharing billing.

In 1859, Henrietta’s younger sister, Marie, made her debut on the stage. When the next season began, Henrietta and Marie joined forces and were advertised as the Irving sisters. While Henrietta’s career in the theater would last decades before her death in 1905, Marie’s foray only lasted a couple of seasons.

On January 21, 1861, John Wilkes Booth made his debut in Rochester, playing Romeo to Henrietta Irving’s Juliet. After the Shakespearean play was done, Marie Irving starred in the comedic afterpiece, the Rival Pages.

The engagement proceeded normally for two weeks, with Booth and the Irving sisters performing various plays together in different combinations while supported by the local theater company. Booth was very well received in Rochester, with the newspapers comparing him favorably to his revered father, Junius Brutus Booth. Booth’s time in Rochester ended on February 2, but his next engagement in Albany didn’t begin until February 11th. His whereabouts during this week are unknown, but he may have stayed in Rochester. It has been claimed that during this period in Rochester, Booth was engaged in a tryst with his leading Juliet, Henrietta Irving.

The details of Booth and Henrietta’s romance are difficult to know for certain. It is the stuff of gossip with conflicting sources. In the years after Lincoln’s assassination, columnist George Alfred Townsend (GATH)  dug up as much dirt about Booth’s life and career as he could. In his 1865 book, The Life, Crime, and Capture of John Wilkes Booth, GATH described Booth and Henrietta’s relationship thusly:

“They assumed a relation creditable only in La Bohéme, and were as tender as love without esteem can ever be.”

Years later, GATH interviewed Matthew Canning, Booth’s agent during this tour. Canning stated that Booth’s “chief passion was for women.” We must remember that Booth was a rising star during this period. Womanizing and sex followed naturally from his growing success. During the same period in Edwin Booth’s life, the elder brother had also lived the Bohemian lifestyle of casual sex. In 1858, Edwin wrote a letter to his brother, June, bragging about bedding a supporting actress at the theater, saying, “can’t brag on her acting so much as what we do in secret.” The fact that Dr. Ernest Abel was able to write an entire 400+ page book about John Wilkes Booth and the Women Who Loved Him demonstrates that JWB was also not short on female companionship during his brief 26 years of life.

Without naming names, Canning recalled to GATH that Henrietta was “Booth’s temporary mistress” during their time in Rochester. Eventually, Booth had to leave for Albany. He performed at the Gayety Theatre in Albany from February 11 through March 16, with one week off during the run. After this engagement ended, JWB headed to Portland, Maine, just as  Henrietta arrived in Albany for her own engagement at the Gayety Theatre. Even though Marie is not listed in the newspaper advertisements, she likely appeared alongside her sister in Albany.

Lucille and Helen Western

John Wilkes Booth was in Portland from March 18 through April 13. During the first week, he performed alongside another pair of acting sisters, Lucille and Helen Western. Booth had acted alongside the pair a year earlier when he was still a lowly stock actor in Richmond, Virginia. The “Star Sisters,” as the Westerns were known, made ample use of their good looks. They often put on more exotic shows with costumes that showed off their figures or even saw them dressed as men. Some of their regular plays were filled with sexual innuendo, and they thrived on courting controversy.  However, as successful as the “Star Sisters” had been, the duo was at the end of their time together. Their engagement with Booth marked the last time the Western sisters would appear on stage together. In his book, Dr. Abel writes that John Wilkes Booth likely made a “temporary mistress” out of seventeen-year-old Helen Western during their time in Portland together, but the evidence to support this claim is lacking.

After his time with the Western sisters in Portland was over, Booth returned to Albany for a repeat engagement at the Gayety Theatre starting on April 22. Henrietta Irving had just concluded her own run at the theater and had last appeared on April 19. Whether she performed supporting roles to Booth in April is unknown. The newspaper advertisements for this engagement only mention Booth sharing billing with “Signor Canito, the Man Monkey.” The “signor” was a New York actor by the name of Samuel Canty, who dressed as a monkey and performed in acrobatic plays he wrote himself.

Booth’s engagement with the monkey man was going well until April 26, 1861, when Henrietta Irving made her attack. The details are unclear, but the incident occurred at the Stanwix Hall hotel in Albany, where both Booth and Irving were staying. Irving stabbed at Booth with a dagger, aiming at his face – the stock and trade of any handsome actor. Booth managed to parry the blow, but not before receiving a bloody gash on his cheek. Having failed in her attack, Irving returned to her own hotel room at the Stanwix and stabbed herself. The attempt at suicide proved non-fatal, and both the victim and the attacker survived their knife wounds.

The newspaper articles that popped up about the incident were vague. Most seemed to believe that Henrietta Irving’s attack on Booth was due to a love affair gone wrong. The short blurbs that popped up in papers about the incident blamed the stabbing on “disappointed affection,” “misunderstanding,” “jealousy,” “or some little affair of that sort.”

Henrietta Irving

The miniseries suggests that the stabbing may have been due to Booth taking an interest in Henrietta’s sister, Marie, during this time. There is some evidence to support this. In the same 1886 interview between GATH and Matthew Canning, Booth’s former agent recalled:

“There were two sisters in the company [in Albany], and neither of them very considerate. One of them was Booth’s temporary mistress, and he got a fancy for the other one, and the first sister kept watch on him, and as he was coming out of the other one’s room she jumped on him and stabbed him.”

This recollection from Canning implies that Booth had shifted his desires from Henrietta to her sister Marie and that Henrietta attacked him as a result. Whether this attack was from jealousy on Henrietta’s part or an attempt to protect her sister from a lothario she knew all too well is uncertain.

The incident marked the end of Booth’s debut touring season. The wound was not severe, but the latest of several misfortunes that had befallen the novice star, and Booth was ready for a break. From Albany, he returned home to Maryland and spent ten weeks at the family home of Tudor Hall memorizing and practicing plays for his next season.

Henrietta Irving

Henrietta Irving’s career was not hampered by the bad press. She continued to act and married fellow actor Edward Eddy in 1867. We’ll probably never know her true motivation for stabbing Booth and then turning the knife on herself in 1861. In an autobiography she wrote before her death in 1905, Henrietta Irving makes no mention of John Wilkes Booth.

  • The Favorite

While in the barn talking with Davy before the authorities arrive, Booth goes into a monologue regarding his relationship with his mother and father. I’ll cover more of this in the sections that follow, but I did enjoy one part of it. During his monologue, Booth recounts that his mother “didn’t play favorites like my father.”

Despite Booth’s claim that Mary Ann Booth “didn’t play favorites,” it was well-known among the Booth children that she did and that Wilkes was the favorite. Granted, this had not always been the case. The original favorite had been Henry Bryon Booth, the fourth of the Booth children. He had been named after the famous poet Lord Byron, whose words helped Junius woo Mary Ann into leaving England with him. Henry Byron died of smallpox at the age of 11 in December of 1836, while the family was on an extended visit to England. The Booths were devastated by the loss of this boy, with Junius writing back to his father in America:

“We have at last cause and severe enough it is, to regret coming to England. I have delayed writing till time had somewhat softened the horror of the event. Our dear little Henry is dead! He caught the small pox and it proved fatal – he has been buried about three weeks since in the chapel ground close by. Guess what his loss has been to us – So proud as I was of him above all others.”

John Wilkes Booth was the first child born after the death of Henry Byron. When he came in May 1838, it helped put the light back into a still-mourning Booth household.

In addition to the timing of his birth, John Wilkes possessed a strong loyalty to his mother. He acted as the man of the house while his older brothers, June and Edwin, traveled west on their acting careers. After Junius, Sr. died in 1852, John Wilkes tried his best to work the family farm and provide for his mother and siblings. Eventually, a successful Edwin came home and saved the family from their poverty, but it had been Wilkes who had stuck by his mother’s side during these hard times.

The fact that Mary Ann favored Wilkes over her other children was not resented by the other siblings, either. In her own book about her brother, Asia wrote that she was closer to John than any of her siblings. When Mary Devlin Booth, Edwin Booth’s wife, died in 1863, John Wilkes canceled his engagements to rush to his grieving brother’s side. He regularly corresponded with his eldest brother, June, and took a great interest in the lives of his nieces and nephews. Wilkes even tried his best to provide some guidance and structure to his youngest sibling, Joe, whose lack of purpose and melancholy greatly worried their mother. As historians William Edwards and Edward Steers, Jr. concluded: “John was everyone’s favorite.”

With all this being said, I actually enjoy this part of Booth’s monologue in which he relates that his father played favorites, but his mother did not. Wilkes is either purposefully misrepresenting or completely ignorant of the fact that he is his mother’s favorite child. The former would demonstrate Booth’s manipulative nature and ability to lie to make himself look better, while the latter would show how selfish and narcissistic Booth was. The entire family knew and acknowledged that Wilkes was his mother’s favorite child, but his own self-pity and hurt ego over the idea that he wasn’t also his father’s favorite blinds him to the truth of his elevated status. I like this line as it is yet another example of something the miniseries accidentally gets right when you know the true context.

  • His Mother’s Prophecy

In the same monologue mentioned above, Booth recalls being the victim of a cutting insult on the part of his father and that his mother then came to his aid. Mary Ann looked at the palms of Booth’s “beautiful hands” and predicted that one day, her son would do something important with those hands. To Booth, his shooting of Lincoln was the fulfillment of his mother’s words, and that prophecy, not the soothsayer’s prophecy from episode 3 predicting his early demise, gave him comfort now.

This little story of Mrs. Booth having a vision of her son’s future actually has some basis in fact, though it comes from well before Wilkes could speak. In Asia Booth’s book about her brother, she recalled a family story told to her by her mother. It revolved around a night, not long after the birth of John Wilkes, when the mother was trying to coax her newest child to sleep as they both sat in front of a fire. According to Mary Ann, while thinking about the future of her young boy, she witnessed a vision. The story of what she saw was repeated so often that, in 1854, Asia wrote the story as a poem and presented the piece as a present for her mother’s birthday. Asia’s poem of “The Mother’s Vision” is as follows:

THE MOTHER’S VISION

Written 1854, June 2nd, by A.B., Harford Co. Md.

‘Tween the passing night and the coming day
When all the house in slumber lay,
A patient mother sat low near the fire,
With that strength that even nature cannot tire,
Nursing her fretful babe to sleep –
Only the angels these records keep
Of mysterious Love!

One little confiding hand lay spread
Like a white-oped lily, on that soft fair bed,
The mother’s bosom, drawing strength and contentment warm –
The fleecy head rests on her circling arm.
In her eager worship, her fearful care,
Riseth to heaven a wild, mute prayer
Of foreboding Love!

Tiny, innocent white baby-hand,
What force, what power is at your command,
For evil, or good? Be slow or be sure,
Firm to resist, to pursue, to endure –
My God, let me see what this hand shall do
In the silent years we are tending to;
In my hungering Love,

I implore to know on this ghostly night
Whether ’twill labour for wrong or right,
For – or against Thee?
The flame up-leapt
Like a wave of blood, an avenging arm crept
Into shape; and Country shone out in the flame,
Which fading resolved to her boy’s own name!
God had answered Love-
Impatient Love!

The story of Mary Ann Booth seeing the flames of a fire spell out “Country” and then John Wilkes Booth’s name is a compelling one that would have been perfectly suited for a dramatic recreation. While I wish that the miniseries had been more exact in recounting the details of this vision, I appreciate their hint at the family story.

  • Explaining the Trial

In the second half of this episode, we see Secretary Stanton preparing for the trial of the Lincoln conspirators. The series actually does a good job of showing Stanton’s strong belief that Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the Confederate government were behind the actions of John Wilkes Booth. We’ll talk more about this belief and how Stanton’s devotion to this theory ended up compromising the government’s case in the review for the final episode of the series.

However, I did appreciate how well the series showed a fictitious yet conceptually accurate discussion between Sec. Stanton, Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, and President Johnson regarding the way in which the trial of the conspirators was to be conducted. The participants aptly explained the “danger” of attempting to try the conspirators in a civilian court where a jury of their peers might rule in their favor. JAG Holt explained how a panel of military judges would be better suited to the task and, of course, explicitly chosen by the War Department for the task. The scene also had Johnson lay out a basic but historically correct argument for why the conspirators should be tried by a military court for their assassination of the commander-in-chief. The whole scene was well written and explained a controversial decision using very human and understandable terms.

I also appreciate how Both Stanton and President Johnson were shown to be united in this area. One of my critiques has been how the series has shown the two to be at odds far too often this early in their relationship. Johnson wanted vengeance for Lincoln just as much as Stanton did. It was only as Johnson’s presidency went on that his deviations from his predecessor’s actions and beliefs caused an irreconcilable fissure between the men.

  • Will Harrison as Davy Herold

Back in my review for episode 3, I recounted how much I was enjoying how the writers managed to make David Herold a complex figure and how impressed I was with Will Harrison’s performance of this often-overlooked conspirator. My admiration for both Harrison’s acting and the interpersonal writing of his character only increased with the stand-out performance in the penultimate episode of the series. Herold experiences a whole gamut of emotions in this episode. In the barn, he finally refuses to entertain Booth’s ego and delusion any longer, and he is the only one of the two who truly acknowledges the severity of their circumstances. Herold is then noticeably wounded when Booth turns on him and projects his own inadequacies onto the pharmacist’s clerk, who had been nothing but loyal to the assassin up to now. Even though Booth is not worthy of his devotion, he still begs the assassin to live and not give up his life unnecessarily. Then, from his lonely prison cell, Davy acknowledges the powerful influence Booth had on him, yet is still unable to completely free himself from it, begging to read Booth’s diary once more.

Both Herold and Sec. Stanton reflect on their friends Booth and Lincoln, and how they made each feel important. Yet Herold fails to realize that his relationship was one-directional and with a narcissist who could only take. Though Tobias Menzies’ Sec. Stanton was correct that David Herold can’t be forgiven for what he did, Will Harrison’s portrayal of the conspirator in this episode returns a much-needed humanity to this historical figure.

  • An Equivocal Code

I was pleasantly surprised by part of the scene in the War Department where both JAG Holt and Thomas Eckert expressed their concerns to Stanton about the strength of the evidence to support the idea of a grand conspiracy involving the Confederate government. Stanton manages to acknowledge these shortcomings but is still unwilling to change his mind. He relates how the other side has shown its willingness to bend the rules and suggests his team do the same (as if trying the conspirators in front of a military court wasn’t bending the rules enough already).

As part of their equivocal evidence connecting Booth to Jefferson Davis is a coded message from Davis to John Surratt stating, “Come Retribution,” and the discovery of a cipher table in Booth’s room. As Holt and Eckert note, they can’t prove that the coded message related to the assassination or that Booth ever even saw it. To this, Stanton responds, “Very few, if any, understand how code works,” before ordering Eckert to “make it sound more definitive than it is.”

While I was not a fan of the miniseries creating a fictional coded message from Jefferson Davis to John Surratt just for the sake of intrigue, I am very happy that they are explicitly showing that the existence of Booth’s cipher table has been greatly misconstrued as being evidence of a connection between Booth and the Confederacy. I wrote as much in a blog post here back in 2019 entitled Booth’s “Confederate” Cipher (which you should all read). Given how very few others have ever written about Booth’s cipher table, I’d like to think one of the writers of this series read my post. In summary, the cipher table found in Booth’s room is in no way evidence of connection to the Confederate secret service. If you want to learn more, read the post.


Let’s dig now into the fact vs. fiction of this episode and learn about the true history surrounding these fictional scenes.

1. Booth’s Other Wound

In addition to mentioning the stab wound he received from Henrietta Irving, Booth shows Davy another wound he survived in the past. He points to a scar on his right hip and tells Davy that it was caused by a crazed fan who shot him in Columbus, Georgia. Booth then goes on to state that if Davy were to visit Columbus, he might hear some gossip of, “Booth’s own pistol going off in his pocket.” But Booth denies this story and assures Davy it was a deranged fan who shot him “demanding an autograph while I was taking home an ingenue.”

I appreciated how the miniseries clearly shows that Booth is making up a story to protect his vanity. However, even the “true” story that we are supposed to infer from this exchange – that Booth accidentally shot himself with a gun – is not exactly accurate.

The event in question happened on October 12, 1860, during Booth’s ill-fated debut season that would end with him being stabbed by Henrietta Irving. A concise version of what occurred can be read in this newspaper article.

I’ve written at length about Matthew Canning accidentally shooting his lead actor in a 2012 blog post entitled “Shooting Booth,” which I encourage you to read if you want to know the full story. While Booth may have had a hand in his own shooting, it would not be accurate to say that his own pistol went off in his pocket.

2. “Boy, you are useless.”

In the part of Booth’s barn monologue where he talks about his relationship with his parents, he recounts a time when he approached his father and asked the elder tragedian to train him as an actor. According to Booth, Junius responded cuttingly with, “Boy, you are useless,” dashing his hopes.

In this way, the miniseries is once again returning to the idea that Booth’s choice to assassinate Lincoln was motivated by an intense inferiority complex. While I have no doubt that the Booth family dynamic had an impact on John Wilkes Booth, I still find the belief that Booth did what he did because his father and brother were better actors than he was to be too contrived and simplistic.

I would agree that Booth likely felt that his father played favorites and that his brother Edwin had been given chances he had not. Part of this, however, was due to the age difference between Edwin and Wilkes. Their father’s alcoholism increased greatly in his later years, deeply impacting the family’s income stream. In earlier years, Mary Ann traveled with Junius to keep him sober, but her household was far too big for this to continue. She assigned her eldest boy, June, to the role of his father’s guardian for a time, but soon, June had a family and life of his own. In 1848, Junius needed a new traveling companion. The options were limited. While daughter Rosalie was 25 years old, it would not have been deemed appropriate for a daughter to become her father’s keeper. The only remaining Booth boys were Edwin, Wilkes, and Joe.  Of these, Edwin was the oldest at 14, followed by Wilkes, who was 10. By necessity and by age, Edwin became his father’s assistant. Wilkes was no doubt jealous of the opportunity and theatrical education his brother received in watching their father perform in cities across the nation. However, he was also ignorant of the immense struggles Edwin endured trying to keep their father out of the bottle and on the stage night after night. For both brothers, the grass was greener on the other side. While Wilkes was jealous that Edwin got to travel with their father, Edwin lamented his lost childhood and his lack of a formal education.

There is no evidence that Junius ever called Booth “useless.” The idea that Junius did not want to train Wilkes as an actor might be true, but likely not because of the old man playing favorites. In reality, Junius attempted to dissuade all of his sons from pursuing acting as a vocation. Junius knew firsthand the difficult lives actors lived. They were constantly away from their homes and families, and even the most successful of actors often struggled to make ends meet. Junius desperately desired for his children to go into respectable careers with stability. Actors were celebrated for their histrionic talents, but the applause was fleeting. It wouldn’t be until Edwin Booth established The Players Club in his later years that actors were welcomed as equals amongst men of power and influence.

In truth, had Junius been able to control his drinking and manic bouts, he may have been successful in preventing his sons from becoming actors. Without a need for a guardian, his two sons, June and Edwin, could have continued their studies and found other careers. Instead, they had to accompany their father, and their education and job training became that of the theater to which Junius was bound. While John Wilkes Booth was never tasked with being his father’s keeper in this way, his rose-colored interpretation of his brothers’s experiences led him to also want to be an actor.

3. The Garrett Family

One of my particular interests in the Lincoln assassination story is John Wilkes Booth’s time at the Garrett farm right before his death. He interacted quite a bit with the Garrett family, who were ignorant of his identity and agreed to take him in under the belief that he was merely a wounded Confederate soldier in need of assistance. The assassin spent about 39 hours at the Garrett farm before meeting his demise. He spent the first of his two nights sleeping comfortably in a bed inside the Garrett home as the family did not yet have any reason to suspect their houseguest was anyone other than what he claimed to be. It was only after the re-arrival of Davy Herold on the second day and the two men’s subsequent reaction to members of the 16th NY Cavalry riding by the farm that gave the family pause and resulted in the men’s banishment to the tobacco barn for Booth’s second night. Practically all documentaries and dramatic series fail to accurately portray this timeline. They all make it appear as if Booth showed up at the Garrett farm and was almost immediately condemned to the barn, where the troops cornered him a few hours later.

In truth, I had high hopes for Manhunt to finally show an accurate representation of the Garrett farm, Booth’s interaction with the family, and his death. Unfortunately, most of what is shown in this episode regarding the events at the Garrett farm is fictitious and only loosely based on fact.

The episode opens with Julia Garrett, fresh off of her awkward “bathing Booth” duty from the prior show, telling the men that they can’t stay overnight as her daddy will question her honor if they are found in the house. After some wooing by Booth, Julia agrees to let Booth and Herold take their horses in the morning, but only if her daddy approves. Julia leads them to the barn, and Booth once again tries to work his awkward magic on her, but she rebuffs him and locks the men in the barn, leading to the barn discussions between Booth and Herold that were previously mentioned.

Apparently, Julia’s daddy never comes home, as she remains the only member of the Garrett household that we ever see. While one of the children born to Richard Henry Garrett was named Julia, the real Julia Frances Garrett died in 1851 when she was less than a year old. The miniseries never shows the many other Garrett family members who interacted with Booth during his time at the farm, nor does it cover the actual series of events that led to Booth and Herold being locked into the barn and guarded by Jack and Will Garrett. The Garrett family did not know the true identity of the man they had been entertaining until he was already shot and dying on their porch. Booth was locked into the barn because he and Herold told the Garretts that they had gotten into a scrape with the Union cavalry over some horses, and so the Garretts were fearful the men might be horse thieves. They were locked into the barn to protect the Garrett horses, not because the Garretts suspected they were involved in the assassination of Lincoln.

4. The Fire Is Started Too Quickly

As is common in these types of dramatic portrayals, the miniseries shows the troopers lighting the tobacco barn on fire seemingly within minutes of their arrival at the Garrett farm. In reality, quite a lot of time took place between the arrival of the 16th NY Cavalry and the act of actually setting the tobacco barn housing the fugitives on fire. The act of dismounting the horses in groups of two and situating the horses away from where the blaze was planned took over a half hour as the cavalry was careful to maintain an unbroken line around the tobacco barn. Even after the dry brush was placed next to the barn in preparation to smoke them out, another hour went by as the soldiers tried to convince Booth to give himself up. The whole affair was a relatively patient one, as the soldiers wanted to capture Booth alive and were not out to destroy the Garrett property if it could be avoided. In the end, though, the trooper’s patience wore thin, and Luther Baker told the men that the barn would be set on fire in five minutes if they did not surrender themselves.

It was after this final ultimatum, given over an hour and a half after the arrival of the troopers, that David Herold finally surrendered himself. He did so before the barn was set on fire, and he came out alone with Booth verbally downplaying Herold’s involvement to the troopers as a way to protect his trusted conspirator. It was only after Herold’s surrender and his being secured to a nearby tree that Everton Conger lit the barn on fire, and Booth was shot within a matter of a minute or two.

5. The Shooting and Death of Booth

In the miniseries, David Herold is sent back into the burning barn in order to convince Booth to live another day by giving himself up. After telling Booth that his only chance is a day in court, Booth rises and begins to walk out of the burning structure with Davy leading the way. At this moment, Corbett finds a hole in the side of the barn, aims his pistol through it, and fires. The bullet strikes Booth, causing him to collapse. From Davy’s entreaties for help, the soldiers pull him from the barn, and Corbett appears to take credit for his actions, noting “what a fearsome God we serve” when told he struck Booth in the back of the head, “just like Lincoln.” The delirious and partially paralyzed Booth asks about Jefferson Davis before being placed on the porch of the Garrett house. Julia Garrett places a pillow behind Booth’s head and says he needs a hospital, but a soldier notes that he won’t survive the hour. In reality, the assassin doesn’t survive the minute as he chokes and spits up blood while calling for Davy. Booth then turns to Julia, mistaking her for his mother, and tells her, “Don’t look at my hands.” After a few more gasps, Booth mutters, “Useless, Useless,” and dies.

From a global view, this portrayal of the shooting and death of Booth is fine. They have most of the highlights from the story: Booth is shot by Boston Corbett as he heads towards the barn door, the mortally wounded assassin is placed on the Garrett house porch, and Booth says, “Useless, useless” before he dies. All of these things happened, but not so quickly, and, of course, many other things also happened.

John Wilkes Booth was shot at around 4:00 am on April 26th and died a bit before 7:00 am. During the last three hours of his life, he regularly floated in and out of consciousness. While lying on the porch of the house, a mattress was placed under him, and the soldiers and Garrett family members took care of him as best they could. On more than one occasion, Booth asked the soldiers to kill him, but they refused, saying it was their hope he would recover. The detectives emptied Booth’s pockets and took stock of his valuables. A doctor was sent for and arrived from Port Royal to examine Booth and announced his wound as mortal. After making his prognosis, the doctor departed. Talking was difficult for the assassin as the bullet had passed through the back of his neck. Booth’s final conscious act was to ask the soldiers to raise his hands in front of his face so that he could see them. It was to his hands that he directed his final words of “Useless, useless.” After this exchange, he fell back into unconsciousness and died not long after.

6. The Disposition of Booth’s Body

At the Garrett farm, Edwin Stanton entrusts his son Eddie with the disposal of John Wilkes Booth’s body. He orders that a coroner fully document the body first and for Eddie to then dump it into a body of water. The Secretary states he doesn’t even want to know where the body is dumped. He insists that there should be no place where people could go to honor the assassin and tells Eddie to also dispose of decoy corpses in case he is followed. While mention is later made that an autopsy has been performed, we never see this on camera. However, we do witness Eddie following his father’s disposal instructions at the very end of the episode as he and Luther Baker dump a body in a river and then bury two others in random locations.

In reality, Booth’s body was never condemned to a watery grave. After an autopsy was performed, his body was placed in a boat and rowed to the grounds of the Old Arsenal Penitentiary, the same place where the conspirators would shortly be imprisoned and tried. Booth’s remains were buried under the floor of a storeroom. Edwin Stanton, himself, kept the key to this storeroom. In 1867, that part of the old building was slated to be demolished, so Stanton sent the key and men over to move Booth’s remains. Booth was buried in a different warehouse on the grounds, in a common grave in which David Herold, Mary Surratt, Lewis Powell, and George Atzerodt were also reburied. During the final days of Andrew Johnson’s presidency in 1869, the lame-duck president authorized the removal of the bodies and turned Booth over to his family. They transported him to Baltimore and buried him in the family plot at Green Mount Cemetery. While John Wilkes Booth does not have his own headstone in the plot, his name does appear on the back of the Booth obelisk, noting him as a child of Junius Brutus and Mary Ann Booth.

To be fair to the miniseries, there was a lot of misinformation out there about the final disposition of John Wilkes Booth. So many rumors swirled that Booth really was sunk into the Potomac that Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper devoted the cover of their May 20, 1865 edition to a supposedly “authentic sketch” of the deed. In the decades that followed, more than one former sailor/soldier claimed to newspapers that he was the last remaining member of the “sinking detail.” However, the actual whereabouts of Booth’s corpse have been well documented, and we can rest assured that he lies in Green Mount Cemetery, not at the bottom of the Anacostia or Potomac Rivers.

7. A Reluctant Baptist Washington

There is a brief scene in which Dr. Mudd is shown conversing with a group of his neighbors and his brother-in-law, Jeremiah Dyer, asking which of them would be willing to testify on his behalf at his trial. Dr. Mudd correctly recounts that he is not permitted to testify on his own and that he needs them to swear to his good character.

After making his appeal, each of the gathered crowd raised their hand in support of the doctor, save one. This lone holdout is Baptist Washington, the only Black man present among his white neighbors. Wordlessly, Dr. Mudd signals to Jeremiah, and the doctor’s brother-in-law slips Washington a collection of dollar bills. After pocketing the bribe, Washington raises his hand in support like the rest.

Baptist Washington was an actual person who testified at the trial of the Lincoln conspirators. Washington had been enslaved by Jeremiah Dyer before emancipation came to Maryland in November of 1864. While he was still enslaved to the Dyer family, Washington had been hired out to Dr. Mudd and worked at the Mudd farm during carpentry work between January and August of 1864. Washington was one of the few African Americans who testified on behalf of Dr. Mudd, mainly to counter the claims of the real Mary Simms, who stated that Dr. Mudd had harbored Confederate agents like John Surratt at the farm. There is no evidence that Baptist Washington was paid for his testimony.

However, as I wrote in my piece recounting the Formerly Enslaved Voices in the Lincoln Assassination Trial, there were reasons other than monetary why people like Baptist Washington may have felt pressured to testify in favor of an enslaver like Dr. Mudd. While many Black residents left the regions where they had been enslaved when emancipation came, many others did not have that option. Even when freedom came, people like Baptist Washington, his wife, and his children remained living among the people who had once enslaved them. Washington faced difficult choices in 1865 and beyond. Even if he didn’t want to testify on Dr. Mudd’s behalf, failing to abide by the wishes of his white neighbors in Charles County would have had lifelong negative repercussions for him. Many other formerly enslaved people who didn’t move away after freedom likewise chose appeasement rather than conflict. This appeasement became misconstrued by white authors as the “loyal slave” and “good master” narratives, contributing to the myth of the Lost Cause. But Dr. Mudd was far from the oxymoronic good enslaver, as evidenced by Elzee Eglent, who testified about Dr. Mudd shooting him in the leg for not working hard enough. It’s not surprising then that Baptist Washington and many others spent their whole lives appeasing the white folks around them and telling them what they wanted to hear. During Reconstruction and beyond, such appeasement was sometimes the only way to survive.

8. Burning the Diary Pages

Near the end of the episode, we see Edwin Stanton reading through the pages of Booth’s diary, which was recovered from his body at the Garrett farm. Eddie Stanton sees his father reading it and asks him, “Did Booth write down his motives?” followed by, “Is there anything in there that could stain your reputation?” The elder Stanton tells his son not to worry about it, and Eddie leaves. We then watch as Sec. Stanton approaches the room’s fireplace, kneels down in front of the flames, rips pages from the diary, and burns them to ash.

This scene was actually previewed in one of the teaser trailers for the series, so I knew it would come eventually. Still, it was my fervent hope that this series would not indulge this completely unsupported conspiracy theory that Stanton altered John Wilkes Booth’s diary. It is a truly baffling choice on the part of the writers of the series to include this completely fictional scene, especially since it has been their goal to show Edwin Stanton in a noble and heroic light.

The idea of Stanton destroying pages of Booth’s diary is based on the writing of chemist-turned-author Otto Eisenschiml. In 1937, Eisenschiml wrote his most famous work, Why Was Lincoln Murdered?, in which he claimed that Edwin Stanton was the chief architect of Lincoln’s assassination. According to Eisenschiml, Stanton worried that Lincoln was going to be too lenient with Confederate leaders after the war was over, so he had his boss killed as a result. Much of the “evidence” Eisenschmil provides to support his thesis is blatantly false or highly circumstantial. Still, the controversy over his claim grabbed the attention of the public, and there are still those today who falsely believe that Stanton had a hand in Lincoln’s murder and that he destroyed the pages of Booth’s diary that incriminated him.

In reality, there is no evidence that Booth’s diary was altered after it was recovered from him. Booth’s diary, as we know it, is actually a pocket date book for 1864. The pages that have been removed from the book correspond with the pages for January 1 – June 10, 1864. It is important to remember that, during the first half of 1864, John Wilkes Booth was still a working actor, traveling from city to city performing on stage. This book was likely used by the actor to keep track of his engagements, travel expenses, his percentage of the box office, and other assorted personal affairs. This diary was never intended to be his last manifesto. Booth had written his true motivations and given the papers in a sealed envelope to his friend John Mathews with instructions to turn the papers over to the newspapers the next day. After Mathews witnessed his friend assassinate the President, the Ford’s Theatre actor read the manifesto and then burned it out of fear it would incriminate him in Booth’s plot. While on the run, Booth was distraught to find that his words had not been published in the papers. He attempted again to make his thoughts known and was forced to make do with this otherwise forgotten 1864 datebook, which he still had tucked in his coat pocket. The most likely and logical reason for the missing pages in Booth’s diary is that the assassin ripped them out himself in order to remove the mundane details of a traveling actor in 1864 and ensure a clean slate for his last manifesto.

If you’re interested in reading the text of John Wilkes Booth’s diary, I transcribed it in a post here.

No reliable evidence supports the idea that Edwin Stanton, or anyone other than John Wilkes Booth, altered his 1864 datebook. This miniseries does a great disservice to history by portraying this completely fictitious scene, which only succeeds in spreading a long-debunked and baseless conspiracy theory to the masses. I’m still shocked that this otherwise pro-Edwin Stanton miniseries embraced the ugliest of conspiracy theories against him. I’m no Edwin Stanton fan, but he deserved better than this.


Quick(ish) Thoughts

  • While I really liked the opening dream sequence, the shots of Booth’s horse grazing in the woods reminded me that there was never any follow-up to Davy’s horse galloping away from the pair in episode 3. You’ll remember that Booth shot his horse in the pine thicket and ordered Davy to do the same to his. But Herold was unable to kill the animal, and it ran off. At the time, I was convinced that the horse would be found in a later episode. But this never came to be, likely because the following episode had nothing to do with the actual manhunt and dealt with the fictional George Sanders intrigue. I supposed it’s all for the best anyway since, in reality, both horses were shot and sunk in the Zekiah Swamp by Davy Herold and Franklin Robey.

  • When Booth shows Davy the scar from his 1860 Columbus gunshot wound in his right hip, Davy suggests that this wound was why Booth’s “leg broke on that side” when jumping from the box at Ford’s Theatre because the “bones were still fragile.” We’ve already discussed that the real Booth broke his left leg, not the right, as the miniseries portrays. But even overlooking this fact, a bullet in the hip would not make the bone in your lower leg just above the ankle “fragile.” I know Davy was not a doctor, just a pharmacy clerk, but this claim makes no sense. Even the miniseries Booth seems to think this suggestion is nonsense, dismissing Davy’s idea with a “yeah, possibly.”
  • Booth recounts to Davy that his “mother had many children. Four passed away. Three to cholera. One fell swoop.” It’s true that out of the ten children born to Mary Ann and Junius Brutus Booth, four died before reaching adulthood. They were Henry Bryon, Mary Ann, Frederick, and Elizabeth. But it was only two children who died of cholera at the Booth family farm in “one fell swoop.” These were Mary Ann and Elizabeth, who both died within days of each other in 1833 at about the ages of 5 and 2, respectively. Both sisters had been predeceased by their brother Frederick, who died in Boston in 1828 at the age of 16 months. In December of 1836, eleven-year-old Henry Byron Booth died of smallpox while the family was visiting England. With the exception of Henry Bryron, who was buried in England, the other three Booth siblings were buried at the family farm of Tudor Hall. In 1869, after the government agreed to release John Wilkes Booth’s body to his family, Mrs. Booth had the remains of her three young children disinterred and moved to Green Mount Cemetery, where Edwin had purchased a large plot. The remains of Frederick, Mary Ann, and Elizabeth were placed in a single coffin and buried on top of their younger brother, John Wilkes, in the family plot.

  • While I still enjoyed the portrayal of William Mark McCullough as Boston Corbett in this episode, I feel that the writers made him a bit too zealous in this, his big climatic episode. Corbett, the lowly sergeant, single-handedly leads the cavalry, busts down the Garrett House door, pulls a pistol on and then chokes Julia Garrett, and later offers to go on a suicide mission into the barn to draw Booth’s fire until the assassin is out of ammo. Corbett certainly was a zealous and eccentric man, but he did not have a death wish. Nor would he have overstepped his role as a sergeant. The miniseries never shows Captain Edward Doherty, the leader of this detachment of cavalrymen, but even without him, Everton Conger and Luther Baker were in charge. Corbett is just a bit too crazy in this episode.
  • After the barn is set on fire, Julia Garrett rushes towards it and tells the soldiers they have to get Booth out of there. Again, the Garretts never knew that Booth had been their guest until after he was shot. After this comment, Corbett tells Julia, “This is a federal investigation. You’re obstructing.” These words sound painfully modern and out of place in this historical context.
  • As quickly as the troopers in Manhunt are to set fire to the tobacco barn, the structure itself burns at an amazingly slow pace, and the fire never seems to catch on anything inside the barn. For a barn that was filled with dried tobacco leaves and hay, this is beyond belief. But I suppose an asbestos-lined barn was necessary so that the news of the barn being lit could reach Stanton back in Bowling Green and for him to think he could make it to the Garrett farm before it was over.

  • When looking over the corpse of John Wilkes Booth at the Garrett farm, Edwin Stanton touches Booth’s hair as he states, “You’re no one now.” This is reminiscent of the many locks of hair that were cut from the assassin’s head. While lying on the Garrett porch, one of the Garretts cut a lock of Booth’s hair, and part of that lock was later sent to Mary Ann Booth. When Booth’s body lay on board the USS Montauk during his autopsy, locks of hair were snipped by visitors who identified him. Just before his final burial in Green Mount Cemetery in 1869, more hair was cut from his head as a keepsake for his family. Keeping locks of hair of the deceased was a very common Victorian mourning custom.
  • Oswell Swann is partially redeemed in this episode. After Booth’s death, there is a scene in Bryantown between Swann and Luther Baker. Swann tells Baker that Booth and Herold had passed that way, with Baker replying, “Yeah, we got your tip,” implying that Swann had alerted the authorities at some point. However, Baker next complains that this tip did not come earlier, leading Swann to defend himself and the dangers posed to him living in an anti-Lincoln community. While this sentiment is fair enough, I still don’t feel this redemption is enough to undo the damage done to the real Swann in prior episodes in portraying him as an active agent for the Confederate underground.
  • After this episode features the capture of Jefferson Davis, there is a scene between Eckert and Stanton in the War Department where Stanton orders that the press be told Jefferson Davis was captured while wearing his wife’s dress rather than just her shawl. According to Stanton, the reason for this is because, “they humiliated Abe when he wore women’s clothes to avoid death threats in Baltimore.” It’s a bit unclear who the “they” are in Stanton’s sentence. It could be a reference to Confederate plotters like Davis or perhaps even the press itself. Regardless, the point is moot, as Abraham Lincoln never dressed in women’s clothing, nor was he said to have dressed in women’s clothing to avoid assassination. The event references an event in 1861 to possibly assassinate President-elect Lincoln as he made his way by train to Washington for the first time. There were threats that an attempt might be made on Lincoln’s life in Baltimore, so he changed his plans at the last minute and essentially snuck through Baltimore ahead of schedule and arrived safely in D.C. After this was learned, Lincoln’s political enemies ridiculed him for cowardice. One reporter basely claimed that Lincoln moved through Baltimore wearing a scotch cap and a long cloak. While Lincoln was never disguised in such a way, this lie stuck, and many political cartoons were made of the new President slinking into or panic-strickenly dashing into Washington. The event did damage Lincoln’s ego a bit and may have contributed to his later distaste for guards and security.

I apologize for the six-month delay between my review of episode 5 and this one. In truth, my frustration with the series really zapped my motivation to continue with these in-depth reviews. Since Booth’s time at the Garrett farm and subsequent death is my favorite aspect of the story, seeing how much the miniseries botched this aspect really made the prospect of writing this review seem like an unwanted chore. However, I made a commitment to review all seven episodes of the series, and that is what I am going to do, even if I have to take lengthy breaks between each one. I will do my best to write my review of the final episode before another six months go by. I would really like to cross this project off my to-do list. Thanks for sticking with me.

Dave

Categories: History, News | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 3 Comments

An Assassination Playbill Goes to Auction

Update: This playbill sold for $85,000. After adding the 25% Buyer’s Premium, the total cost of the playbill was $106,250. At the same auction, a John Wilkes Booth wanted poster sold for $105,000 ($131,250 with Buyer’s Premium).

This Saturday (9/28/2024), R.R. Auctions is set to sell an iconic and rare Lincoln assassination-related item: a Ford’s Theatre playbill from the night of Abraham Lincoln’s assassination.

While there are a plethora of period reprints and modern replicas of assassination playbills, genuine playbills are very elusive things, and examples rarely come up for auction. One of the most recent sales of a genuine Ford’s Theatre assassination playbill was by Christie’s auction house. In 2003, they sold a second issue playbill (those included an added section near the bottom advertising the planned singing of “Honor to Our Soldiers”) for $31,000.

Normally, I don’t post about all the interesting items that come up for auction, but this playbill is different. If you check out the auction listing for this playbill, you might notice a familiar name:

It turns out I have a little history with this specific playbill.

One of my earliest posts on this blog concerned the assassination playbills and how you can tell real playbills from fakes and replicas. In addition to regularly being asked my opinion on possible “new” John Wilkes Booth photographs, I have been sent pictures of a few playbills in the past. Each time I have had to break it to people that they have a reprint or a forgery. Last year, I received an email from a couple who had read my post and were hoping to get my thoughts on a Ford’s Theatre playbill that they owned. I happily agreed to take a look at it while mentally preparing to let down yet another disappointed replica owner.

As I looked at the pictures sent me, I was surprised to see that I was not able to instantly discount the playbill. I scoured over the small details of typography, spacing, and printing, and each seemed to align with genuine bills. I sent some follow-up questions to the owners, not tipping my hand that I was getting excited by what I was seeing. I asked about the provenance behind the piece and set to work investigating that. After a few days of research, I came to the astonished conclusion that this was a genuine first-issue playbill for Our American Cousin.

In my excitement, I went about writing up a research report for the owners explaining my conclusions. Never one for brevity, that report ended up being nine pages long. In advance of the sale on Saturday, I asked the owners if I could publish my report for them on this blog. They agreed, so I have published my report below. For the privacy of the current owners, I have redacted their names from the report and replaced them with John and Jane Doe.


Report on an April 14, 1865 “Our American Cousin” playbill owned by John and Jane Doe

By Dave Taylor
LincolnConspirators.com

Introduction: On April 25, 2023, I was contacted through my website, LincolnConspirators.com, by Jane Doe. Several years ago, I published an article on my site discussing the different playbills issued by Ford’s Theatre on the night of Lincoln’s assassination. Given my experience in analyzing authentic and fraudulent Lincoln assassination playbills, Jane asked me if I would look at a playbill owned by her and her husband, John, and give my opinion of it. I accepted and was provided with several images. The following is a report of my research process and ultimate conclusions regarding the playbill in question.

Background: Abraham Lincoln was shot by assassin John Wilkes Booth on the evening of April 14, 1865, while the President and his party were attending a performance at Ford’s Theatre in Washington, D.C. The play they were attending was a comedy entitled Our American Cousin, with actress Laura Keene as the lead star. After the shooting of Lincoln, the theater was shut down and would not see another performance for over 100 years. Very shortly after the tragedy, there was a demand for playbills of the last play Lincoln saw. This demand led to a secondary market of replica and forged playbills. Some of the fraudulent bills were so convincing that they even managed to fool those who were present at the assassination into swearing to their authenticity. In 1937, researcher Walter C. Brenner privately published a monograph entitled The Ford Theatre Lincoln Assassination Playbills: A Study. Brenner analyzed several variations of bills housed in different collections in an attempt to definitively determine which version or versions of playbills were actually printed and present on the night of Lincoln’s assassination. Through his research, Brenner was able to locate proven examples of legitimate assassination playbills in the Harvard Theatre Collection. He published his findings and included a chart noting the small details that can prove or disprove a suspected assassination playbill. In 1940, Brenner published a small supplement to his original research, reproducing an 1898 article that narrated the history of the playbills and why there were two different, but both equally legitimate, versions of playbills used at Ford’s Theatre on April 14, 1865. During my own analysis of the Doe playbill, I heavily referenced Brenner’s work.

Visual Analysis: The Doe playbill measures approximately 18.5” long and 5.5” wide. It is currently matted inside of a frame with a handwritten piece of provenance below it (Fig. 1).

Figure 1: Framed playbill

On the left edge of the bill near the name of Laura Keene is written in pencil the words “Genuine bill – [illegible] J H Brown” (Fig. 2).

Figure 2: Notation reading “Genuine Bill – [illegible] J H Brown”

The paper of the bill is browned. There are some discolorations and mild defects around the visible edges. A circular shaped defect about ¼” in size can be seen about 7 inches from the top near the name of John Dyott (Fig. 3).

Figure 3: Small defect near the name of John Dyott

There is evidence that the bill was previously folded with a light horizontal crease through the line containing the text “Buddicomb, a valet” (Fig. 4).

Figure 4: Faint horizontal crease through the entry for “Buddicomb, a valet”

Minor discoloration can be seen in other places. Still, overall, the bill is very clean, albeit browned from prior display. The bill was not examined out of the frame.

Compositional Analysis: At first glance, this bill represents an example of the first issue playbill for April 14, 1865. Bills of this sort were initially the only bills in production by printer H. Polkinhorn and Son in preparation for the evening’s show. After it was ascertained that President Lincoln was going to be attending the theater that night, it was decided that the singing of a patriotic song that was planned for the following evening was to be included. As a result of this change, the type of the printed bill was adjusted to include a paragraph about the now-planned singing of “Honor to Our Soldiers.” The Doe bill does not contain this paragraph, thus making it a possible first-issue playbill.

The Huntington Library in San Marino, CA, owns a genuine first-issue playbill for Our American Cousin. They have digitized this playbill at a high resolution, and it is available to view here: https://hdl.huntington.org/digital/collection/p16003coll6/id/5034/rec/1 Using this bill as an example, I then conducted a detailed comparison between it and the Doe playbill.

During my comparison, I looked for the different details documented by Brenner as those present on a genuine first-issue playbill, all of which are borne out on the Huntington playbill. Among those details are:

  • A space between the digits 9 and 5 in the text “NUMBER OF NIGHTS, 49 5”
  • The condition of the final E in the name of “LAURA KEENE”
  • The condition of the final R in the word “MANAGER”
  • The alignment of the letter H in the name “H. CLAY FORD”
  • The alignment of the letter S in the words “Supported by”
  • A small interior misprint on the letter C in “COUSIN”
  • A small circular defect on the letter N in “COUSIN”
  • The spelling of “Sensation”
  • The word “Chairs” after the word “Orchestra”
  • Several breaks in the horizontal lines separating different blocks of text

For each point of comparison, I found that the Doe playbill matched the details of the Huntington playbill. Everything was compositionally correct and in the right place to match a genuine first-issue bill.

I then looked for evidence of duplication. There have been other bills that I have examined in the past that have had the correct content, but they have distinct evidence that were merely copies of a legitimate bill. When copies of bills are made, there is a distinct drop in quality and detail. This is very noticeable in the font of “THE OCTOROON,” where the small details are lost. In addition, duplication removes the minor irregularities present during the original printing process. In addition to examining the font of “THE OCTOROON,” I requested and was provided with close-up images of the word “COUSIN” so that I could assess the natural deviations in this boldly printed word.

In my opinion, this bill does not show signs of being a duplicate. The fine details are present and consistent with an original printing, not a copy done by modern means.

Based on my visual and compositional analysis, I believe that the Doe playbill is a genuine first issue from April 14, 1865. It matches all points of comparison as laid out by Walter Brenner in his study of genuine assassination playbills, and there is no evidence of the bill being a period of modern reproduction.

Provenance Analysis: From my communications with Jane, I learned that this playbill has been in her husband’s family for over a hundred years. Mr. Doe’s great-grandfather was named Frederick S. Lang, the owner of a sizable Lincoln collection. According to Jane, this playbill and some other materials are what remains of the former Lang collection of Lincolniana.

In June of 1919, C. F. Libbie and Co. auctioned off what was advertised as a “Lincoln Collection formed by Frederick S. Lang, Boston.” Mr. and Mrs. Doe still retain two copies of this auction catalog. A digitized version of the catalog, housed on the Internet Archive, can be viewed here: https://archive.org/details/catalogueoflinco00libb. In examining the catalog, we find the following lot description:

“1129 Play Bill. Ford’s Theatre, April 14, 1864[sic]. One of the original play bills, first issue. Neatly matted in a narrow oak frame. Folio. This is one of the original play bills purchased from the Estate of John B. Wright, who was stage manager, by J. H. Brown.”

This lot appears to describe the playbill still in possession by the Does. Jane sent images of the original frame the playbill was housed in before it was reframed by her in-laws. One of these images is included below. This frame appears to match the description of “a narrow oak frame.”

Given the presence of the playbill with a descendant of Frederick Lang today, it would appear that this lot did not sell in 1919. Perhaps the misprint in the auction catalog of 1864 rather than 1865 caused it to fall under the radar.

In addition to the playbill’s entry in the 1919 auction catalog, the bill is framed alongside a small handwritten note. This note is faded and brown but is still legible. It states, “I purchased this Bill from the Estate of John B. Wright who was Stage Manager / J H Brown”

Further information about the bill is included in a transcript of a circa 1909 typewritten essay or article about Frederick Lang’s collection. This transcript is owned by Mr. Doe. Jane provided a picture of a page from this essay that mentions the playbill. The text is as follows:

“occupying[sic] a prominent place on the wall is the exceedingly rare, genuine play-bill of Ford’s Theatre, April 14th, 1865 the night of Lincoln’s assassination. The attraction was Laura Keene, in Our American Cousin, and in the cast were many players well known in Boston, among them being W. J. Ferguson, Harry Hawk, and Geo. G. Spear. This play-bill was obtained from the collection of the late J. H. Brown, one of the best known theatrical collectors in the country. It is accompanied by his affidavit that it was purchased from the estate of J. B. Wright, the stage manager of Ford’s Theatre at the time of the tragedy. Mr. Wright was well known in Boston, as he was for many years connected with the National Theatre of this city, as stage manager and lessee. Mr. Lang also has a copy of the fac-simile of the genuine bill, copyrighted 1891, with affidavit by R. O. Polkinhorn who was pressman at the time of the assassination, and certificate from J. F.[sic] Ford, proprietor of the threatre[sic]. Accompanying this is a copy of this bogus bill which had a wide sale before the fraud was disclosed. This bill contains the following announcement, ‘This evening the performance will be honored by the presence of President Lincoln.’ As it was not known at the time of printing the bills, that Lincoln would attend the threatre[sic], this alone stamps the bill as spurious, but as this fact was not widely known, many of them were disposed of at fancy prices. This bogus bill is seldom met with now, and the three items make a rare and interesting collection in themselves. The latter two are not framed but are in a Booth portfolio.”

Through research, I determined that the J. H. Brown mentioned in the provided provenance was James Hutchinson Brown, a Massachusetts theatrical collector who lived from 1827 to 1897. In 1898, C. F. Libbie and Co. sold off Brown’s extensive collection of dramatic books, autographs, and playbills over the course of three different auctions. The third and final of these auctions occurred on June 15 and 16, 1898. This auction contained a collection of around 180,000 American and English playbills, “formed by the late James H. Brown, Esq., of Malden, Mass.” A digitized version of this auction catalog, housed on the Internet Archive, can be viewed here: https://archive.org/details/cu31924031351533. In examining this catalog, we find the following lot description:

“999 Washington, D. C. Ford’s Theatre, 193 play-bills for the entire Season of 1864-5 (with the exception of two bills during one of Forrest’s engagements), commencing Aug. 29, 1864, and ending with TWO BILLS of April 14, 1865, the night of the ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN, including the one of March 18, 1865, of J. Wilkes Booth last appearance (as an actor) on any stage: as ‘Pescara,’ for the Benefit of John McCullough. Inserted are four a.l.s. of John T Ford, Manager and Proprietor, one a.l.s. of John B. Wright, Stage Manager, one a.l.s. of William Withers, Jr., Leader of the Orchestra, two a.l.s. of members of the company on the fatal night, and a large panel photograph of J. Wilkes Booth and numerous clippings. Narrow folio, half roan. This collection of Bills was made by Mr. John B. Wright, the stage manager, and is most interesting and rare, if not unique. ‘The fact that there were two variations of the play-bill of April 14, 1865, the night of the assassination of President Lincoln is not generally known, one with a stanza of a Song, ‘Honor to our Soldiers,’ and the other without it. ‘Mr. J. B. Wright, the stage manager at the time, and who witnessed the deed, wrote Mr. Brown the following facts: Early in the forenoon of that day, learning that the President intended visiting the Theatre that evening, Mr. Wright went personally to Polkinhorn, the printer, and ordered the insertion in the bills for that night of this stanza, intending to have the song sung that night, although it was originally intended to have it sung on the next night, which was to have been the Benefit of Miss Jennie Gourlay. Polkinhorn stopped the press which was printing bills, made the change in the form, and printed the remainder of the bills with the stanza inserted, and not desiring to lose those printed without the stanza, he included them in those he sent to the theatre, and both kinds were used that night.’ – J.H.B., 1893.”

Interestingly, while the assumption would be that Mr. Lang purchased this lot of Ford’s Theatre playbills at auction in 1898, we know that not to be the case. This lot was purchased by another collector named Evert Jansen Wendell (1830 – 1917). After Wendell’s death, this specific collection of Ford’s Theatre playbills was donated to Harvard University. It was this same collection of playbills that Walter Brenner consulted for his 1937 study. At the time of Brenner’s research, the collection still had the two April 14, 1865 bills mentioned in the Brown auction catalog, making it impossible for Lang to have purchased this lot of 193 playbills.

John B. Wright, former stage manager at Ford’s Theatre

However, this auction catalog does confirm that James H. Brown had dealings with the estate of John Burroughs Wright, the former stage manager of Ford’s Theatre. Wright was a Massachusetts native who maintained a home in the Boston area even when he was working for John T. Ford in Baltimore and D.C. during the Civil War years. After the shooting of Lincoln, Wright returned to Boston. After several seasons touring with star Edwin Forrest and managing theaters in New York, Wright retired from the theater business in 1880. He died in 1893. His wife Annie, who had been present in the audience on the night Lincoln was assassinated, outlived her husband and eventually died in 1924.

The catalogs for the Brown auctions contain several pieces associated to John B. Wright, showing that Brown’s purchases from the Wright estate were more than just the collection of Ford’s Theatre playbills from 1864 – 1865, which eventually went to Evert Wendell. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that John B. Wright possessed more than one copy of the first issue playbill used on the night of Lincoln’s assassination and that James H. Brown purchased it along with the rest of the materials he acquired from the Wright estate. From there, this specific bill was purchased by Frederick Lang, a collector not of theater memorabilia but of Lincolniana.

The framed note, along with the Frederick Lang auction catalog, conclusively traces this playbill back to Ford’s Theatre stage manager John B. Wright. Two other genuine playbills from the Wright collection exist in the Harvard Theatre Collection, demonstrating that Wright retained genuine playbills after the assassination of Lincoln.

In my opinion, the provenance associated with the Doe playbill is strong.

Conclusions: The Doe playbill has all the marks of a first-issue Ford’s Theatre playbill from the night of Abraham Lincoln’s assassination. By looking at the minute details, it can be seen that the bill is not a period reproduction, nor is there any evidence of modern duplication. The provenance demonstrates an unbroken line of ownership from John B. Wright, stage manager of Ford’s Theatre, to the current owners, John and Jane Doe. The claims of provenance can be backed up with supplementary evidence in prior auction catalogs.

It is my opinion that the Doe playbill is a genuine playbill from the night of April 14, 1865. As such, it is a rare and unique piece of American history.

Dave Taylor

List of sources and references used in this research:

  • Bogar, Thomas A. Backstage at the Lincoln Assassination: The Untold Story of the Actors and Stagehands at Ford’s Theatre. Washington, D.C.: Regnery, 2013.
  • Brenner, Walter C. The Ford Theatre Lincoln Assassination Playbills: A Study. Philadelphia: Privately Printed, 1937.
  • Brenner, Walter C. Supplement for insertion in The Ford Theatre Lincoln Assassination Playbills: A Study. Philadelphia: Privately Printed, 1940.
  • Catalogue of a Lincoln collection formed by Frederick S. Lang, Boston. Boston: C. F. Libbie & Co., 1919.
  • Catalogue of the valuable collection of play-bills, portraits, photographs, engravings, etc., etc., formed by the late James H. Brown, Esq., of Malden, Mass. Boston: C. F. Libbie & Co, 1898.
  • The Huntington Library, Art Museum, and Botanical Gardens
  • Harvard Theatre Collection
  • Emails with Jane Doe

I hope you enjoyed a dive into the research and provenance behind the Ford’s Theatre playbill that will be sold by R.R. Auctions. If you’ve always wanted to own one of the rarest pieces of assassination history, you might want to keep on eye on Saturday’s auction. But be prepared to shell out quite a nest egg to add this to your collection. At the time of this writing, during the pre-auction bidding period, this playbill is already up to $55,000 and will likely go much higher before the gavel falls.

Even if you’re like me and will never have the scratch to own something like this, I hope you still enjoyed learning about the playbill and its history. And, if anyone else has any cool priceless artifacts you’d like me to look at, I’m happy to give my opinion. This genuine playbill just goes to show that there are still treasures to be found out there.

Categories: History, News | Tags: , , , , | 10 Comments

Blog at WordPress.com.